The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Fri, 10/25/2002 12:00 AM
Sayidiman Suryohadiprojo, Former Governor,
National Resilience Institute (Lemhanas), Jakarta
It is clear that Indonesia as a nation state is the biggest loser in the Bali tragedy. It all happened because
of the ineffectiveness of the security services who were not able to detect or prevent the tragedy. Thereafter,
the security services have been slow to come up with credible proof and evidence of the initiators and the actors
in the bombing, leading to a lot of speculation over the whole affair.
Many in the West, in particular in the U.S. and Australia, have expressed their astonishment
about these speculations and wonder why Indonesia does not just accuse ""Arab terrorism"" or
al Qaeda operatives.
For Indonesians, it has not been easy to accept such accusations. In recent years, trouble
has not only come from Muslim radicals. There has also been the bad experience of western intervention for a long
time, as documented by the late Indonesianist George M. Kahin in Subversion as Foreign Policy regarding the U.S.
policy in Indonesia. The threat of danger has come from so many corners.
Speculation, including from the country’s many secular nationalists and moderate Muslims, will continue unless
and until our security services come up with credible evidence of the culprits.
People in the West should also understand that Muslim Indonesians look at the U.S.-led war on terrorism as a U.S.
effort to enhance its national interests. If it is a real war against terrorism, why aren’t targets expanded beyond
al-Qaeda, Osama bin Laden and Taliban? What about Israeli terrorism against the Palestinian people or Basque terrorism
in Spain?
Indonesians have fought terrorism since the Dutch colonial times; it was a normal procedure of the Dutch colonial
forces. A good example is the mass-murder of civilians in Sulawesi by Dutch captain Raymond Westerling and his
troops. Dutch forces also burned, tortured and killed civilians when they could not find Indonesian guerrillas.
But why are those acts and also the atomic bombs on Nagasaki and Hiroshima in 1945 never mentioned as violating
humanitarian values? Or for that matter, the bombing of North Vietnam during the Vietnam War. And not long ago
the U.S. air attacks against Afghanistan that killed many people who were not members of the Taliban or al-Qaeda.
Are these all ""normal"" as part of war? If so, why are nations that are not siding with the
U.S., always punished if they are considered to have violated humanitarian values, even if their actions caused
less death and suffering?
A nation must be strong to get the respect of other nations — or
side with the U.S.
Indonesia has traditionally adhered to an independent foreign policy, having friendly relations with other nations
but not siding with them, including the U.S. Therefore, Indonesia must be strong economically and militarily to
be regarded as equals by other nations. Obviously, the weak condition of Indonesia today is a splendid opportunity
to treat it with disdain, especially by Australia. An article in the Australian Financial Review of Oct. 19, 2002
by Brian Toohey said it very clearly: ""Crafting a response to the Bali atrocity would be much simpler
if the Indonesian government was culpable, even in a peripheral way, like the Taliban was in the attack on New
York’s World Trade Center last year.""
In other words, Indonesia could be easily punished with a military attack that would finish it as a nation state.
Reports of an Australian intelligence center setting up an office here reminds us how weak we are and how our sovereignty
no longer counts.
But it depends on Indonesians themselves whether they are respected or not. If they can strengthen the effectiveness
of their government, Indonesia will definitely regain a respected position in the international community. The
nation needs a government that can improve the economy and security, including the armed forces, the police and
the intelligence services. The big question is how to achieve that with the present political system, which gives
little opportunity to develop the leadership required to establish a strong and effective government.
JAKARTA, Indonesia — A leading radical Islamic cleric the United States had pressed Indonesia to prosecute for
the past decade was convicted Thursday after a four-month trial on terrorism charges. The cleric, Abu Bakar Bashir,
72, was sentenced to 15 years in prison for supporting a jihad training camp.
Jeers could be heard from his supporters outside the courthouse here in Jakarta when the district court judge announced
the sentence on Thursday afternoon. In recent days, the authorities had been alerted to vague threats of a bombing
campaign to coincide with the ruling, and thousands of extra police officers and hundreds of soldiers had fanned
out across the city, the Indonesian capital, but no violence was reported.
Lawyers for the cleric immediately said they would appeal. After the announcement of the sentence — far shorter
than the life sentence that the prosecutors had sought — Mr. Bashir delivered a short statement saying that he
rejected the judgment because it was not based on Islamic law but on laws made by “infidels.” Guards could be seen
ushering a smiling Mr. Bashir out of the courtroom.
The court sided with prosecutors who said that Mr. Bashir had helped mobilize and finance a militant group that
set up an armed training camp in the province of Aceh, in northern Sumatra. The group, which called itself Al Qaeda
of the Veranda of Mecca but appeared to have no ties to the group founded by Osama bin Laden, was violently suppressed
by the police last year.
Mr. Bashir, who denied any involvement with the group but defended its actions as legal under Islam, said during
the trial that the Indonesian authorities fabricated the charges to please the United States.
The ruling puts an end for now to the activities of Mr. Bashir, whom the Indonesian authorities had often appeared
reluctant to prosecute for fear of antagonizing Islamic extremists.
A founder of the radical Jemaah Islamiyah movement, Mr. Bashir spent a couple of years in prison in the past decade
on various charges. But the courts cleared him on serious terrorism-related charges, culminating in 2006 when the
Supreme Court overturned a lower court’s terrorism conviction. He is believed to have lost much of his influence
in recent years with Indonesia’s radical fringes.
Still, last year, the police arrested Mr. Bashir after linking three members of his new, above-ground Islamic
organization, Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid, to the group in Aceh.
The short-lived new group trained in Aceh’s remote, jungle-covered mountains and stockpiled weapons, the authorities
said. Last year, the police killed and arrested more than 120 people suspected of having links to the group, including
Dulmatin, one of Southeast Asia’s most wanted terrorism suspects. The authorities said that the group had been
planning attacks against foreigners and had previously made plans to assassinate moderate Muslims, including President
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Like Mr. Bashir himself, the group advocated replacing Indonesia’s democratic government
with an Islamic state.
The United States and Australia had long pressed the Indonesian authorities to take a harder line against Mr. Bashir.
But Mr. Yudhoyono’s government has been repeatedly criticized by human rights activists for being soft on radical
Muslim groups, particularly the Islamic Defenders Front, an organization that routinely carries out violent protests
against Christians, other religious minorities and moderate Muslims.
In recent years, the United States has praised Indonesia’s antiterrorism campaigns, which have drastically curtailed
the activities of extremists, especially against Western targets. The last major attack took place in July 2009
with the nearly simultaneous suicide bombings of the Ritz-Carlton and JW Marriott hotels here in Jakarta, in which
seven people and the two bombers were killed.
An Indonesian court sentences radical cleric Abu Bakar Bashir
to 15 years in prison for a series of terror-related charges.
Prosecutors wanted a life sentence.
FULL STORY
Authorities have stationed thousands of security personnel ahead of the verdict
Prosecutors accuse Abu Bakar Bashir of a series of terror-related charges
Bashir denies the charges. It's the third terror-related trial of the fiery cleri
Jakarta, Indonesia (CNN) -- An Indonesian court sentenced radical cleric Abu Bakar Bashir to
15 years in prison on Thursday.
Bashir was on trial for a series of terror-related charges, including planning, attempting, funding and inciting
terrorism.
Prosecutors had demanded that Bashir be sentenced to life in prison.
Bashir's organization Jamaat Tawhid Anshoru, or JAT, issued a statement saying it rejected the verdict because
"it's based on laws formulated by infidels."
"The authorities take repressive actions and intimidate clerics and Muslims, using the war on terrorism
as a reason. If this is allowed to continue, it is not impossible for Muslims to be slaughtered."
Authorities deployed 3,000 security personnel around Jakarta, most of them stationed in the area around the courthouse,
said Jakarta police spokesman Col. Baharudin Djafar.
About 500 Bashir supporters were outside the court listening to the proceedings. Banners saying "Free Ustadz
Abu Bakar Ba'asyir" hung on the courthouse's fence.
It was the third trial of the fiery Bashir, who was most recently detained in August for suspected links to a militant
training camp that was raided by authorities in Aceh in early 2010.
Police have said Bashir and his organization were involved in setting up the camp, and authorities have said militants
were preparing to launch assassination attempts on Indonesian government officials.
Authorities also accuse Bashir of plotting attacks like the 2008 Mumbai, India, assault on hotels and a train station
that left hundreds dead in a siege lasting several days.
He denies the charges, and has often said there is a U.S.-led conspiracy to put him behind bars.
In the past, authorities have tried but failed to directly link Bashir to major terror attacks in Indonesia.
In the first two trials, prosecutors tried to directly link him to the 2002 bombings in Bali and the 2003 J.W.
Marriott bomb attack in Jakarta. The courts found him guilty of relatively minor charges. He was released in June
2006, after serving 25 months in jail.
Known for his inflammatory rhetoric, Bashir was accused of being the spiritual leader of Indonesia's homegrown
terror network, Jemaah Islamiyah, who inspired many of those involved in the bombings.
Indonesia police work to confirm Bali bomb suspect arrest
From Kathy Quiano, CNN
March 30, 2011
Jakarta, Indonesia (CNN) -- Police in Indonesia have sent a team to confirm that Pakistan has arrested a top
suspect in the Bali bombings that killed more than 200 people in 2002, a top Indonesian police official told CNN
Wednesday.
They will try to establish that the suspect in custody is Umar Patek, one of Southeast Asia's most wanted men,
Indonesian National Police spokesman Anton Bahrul Alam said.
The United States has offered a $1 million reward for his capture.
Several news organizations reported Monday that Patek had been arrested in Pakistan on March 2.
Indonesian police are coordinating with Interpol and sent a team to Pakistan to verify and confirm Patek's identity,
Alam said.
"We have to first make sure it is Umar Patek and then we have to determine what his activities were in Pakistan,"
the police spokesman said.
If confirmed, the arrest would be "hugely significant," an International Crisis Group analyst told CNN.
Patek can shed light on "the nature of terrorist groups in the Philippines; their relations with Indonesian
groups in terms of training, financing, communication and ideology; and the nature of links between South Asian
and Southeast Asian extremists," said Sidney Jones.
Patek is wanted in Indonesia, Australia, the United States and the Philippines. Jones argued that it will make
a difference where he is tried.
"There are various factors to consider," she explained.
"How strong is the evidence against him in each country that wants him, and will it stand up in court? How
much will he be regarded as a hero by young jihadis in whatever country that has him, to the point that he could
be a radicalising influence? What kind of prison security is there in the countries involved? So it does matter
where he is held and where he is tried," she said.
Patek, an Indonesian of Javanese and Arab descent, is suspected of acting as the deputy field coordinator of the
2002 bombings in Bali that killed 202 people, most of them western tourists.
Seven Americans were killed in the attacks.
Authorities and security experts say Patek was a member of the terror network Jemaah Islamiyah, that he took part
in the Bali bombings, and that fled to Mindanao in the Philippines in 2003.
Along with other fugitive Jemaah Islamiyah members, Patek joined an elite force of the Philippines Moro Islamic
Liberation Front or MILF and then later the notorious Abu Sayyaf Group.
Another militant leader, Dulmatin, who was with Patek, was killed in a police raid in Jakarta a year ago.
He was thought to have helped set up a militant training camp in the province of Aceh. The two remained elusive
for many years, and there were regular reports of their deaths or arrests.
Jakarta, Indonesia (CNN) -- The suspected mastermind behind the deadly Bali bombings in 2002 has been killed
by Indonesian police, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said Wednesday.
Yudhoyono announced the death of terrorist Dulmatin during a visit to Australia. The Bali bombings killed 202 people.
"I can announce to you that, after a successful police raid against the terrorists hiding out in Jakarta yesterday,
we can confirm that one of those that was killed was Mr. Dulmatin, one of the top southeast Asian terrorists that
we have been looking for," Yudhoyono said.
Dulmatin had several aliases, including Joko Pitoyo. He was an electronics specialist who trained in al Qaeda camps
in Afghanistan and had a $10 million bounty on his head, according to the U.S. State Department.
He was a senior member of the al Qaeda-linked terror network Jemaah Islamiyah.
Indonesian media had been reporting that Dulmatin was killed in a shootout during a raid in Pamulang, Banten province,
on Tuesday.
The raid, which happened on the outskirts of Jakarta, was linked to ongoing security sweeps in Aceh province in
northern Sumatra. Police have arrested at least 15 suspected militants and one was killed. Three police officers
have died in the raids.
Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf said that, for a year now, he has known about a militant training camp in Aceh. He
said militants were seeking to establish camps similar to those run by Jemaah Islamiyah in the the southern Philippines.
The group has a stated goal of creating an idealized Islamic state comprising Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the
southern Philippines and southern Thailand, according to GlobalSecurity.org, a public policy Web site that provides
background on defense issues.
Yusuf told reporters that militants chose Aceh because it is a predominantly Muslim province that imposes shariah,
or Islamic, law and because a rebellion -- the Free Aceh Movement -- had taken root there.
Indonesia's current anti-terrorism efforts come as President Barack Obama is about to visit the world's most-populous
Muslim nation.
16 June 2011
Indonesia jails cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir for 15 years
Ba'asyir is seen during his hearing verdict at the South Jakarta District Court (16 July) This is the third time
Ba'asyir has been on trial for alleged participation in extremist activities
Indonesia has jailed radical cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir for 15 years, after he was convicted of supporting an Islamic
militant training camp in Aceh.
The sentence was handed down amid tight security at court in Jakarta, where more than 3,000 police were on duty.
Ba'asyir, 72, was convicted of helping to organise a jihadi training camp that was planning to attack government
targets and impose an Islamic state.
He has been involved in radical Islamic groups in Indonesia for four decades.
Over the years, he has been repeatedly arrested, jailed and then released.
Prosecutors had asked for a life sentence for Ba'asyir, but the sentence is the longest he has yet received.
The BBC's Karishma Vaswani in Jakarta says it is debatable whether the verdict will have much impact on the fight
against terrorism in Indonesia.
Supporters of Abu Bakar Ba'asyir arrived at the courthouse in south Jakarta hours before the judges began reading
out the verdict on the 72-year-old preacher.
He needs no introduction to Indonesians - he is a familiar face here.
He is believed to be the spiritual influence behind radical Islamic groups in the country.
He has faced terrorism charges before. In fact, this is the third time he has been on trial for his alleged participation
in extremist activities.
This time prosecutors say Ba'asyir is responsible for helping to raise funds for a jihadi training camp in Aceh
which was discovered last year.
The police aren't taking any chances and have deployed 3,000 officers at the court, as well as stepping up security
around police headquarters.
Ba'asyir can continue to preach his message even from his prison cell, our correspondent says.
He was arrested by anti-terror police last August, months after the training camp in Aceh was raided by police.
The discovery of the camp has so far led to the arrests of more than 120 terrorism suspects over several months.
The Aceh camp drew together militants from several different jihadi groups.
Experts believe they were planning to form a militia to kill government officials, moderate Muslims and influential
non-Muslims.
Ba'asyir has repeatedly said the allegations against him were "engineered by America".
In previous cases, he has been convicted of conspiracy over the 2002 Bali bomb attacks, in which more than 200
people died.
But he was freed in 2006 after his sentence was cut, and his conviction was eventually quashed on appeal.
Most analysts agree that he has been the spiritual leader of the military jihadi network Jemaah Islamiah for a
number of years.
But he was cleared of involvement with the group after a trial in 2003.
More on This Story
Indonesian cleric Abu Bakar Bashir has been found guilty of inciting terrorism and financing an Aceh-based terrorist
cell and sentenced to 15 years in prison, ending a decade-long effort by authorities to put the firebrand militant
who endorsed the Bali bombings behind bars.
Hundreds of Bashir's supporters, who chanted "God is great" as judges spent hours reading through a summary
of evidence, erupted in jeers when the verdict was read out.
Bashir was convicted for arranging the financing of a terrorist cell uncovered in the Indonesian province of Aceh
last year, a new grouping that included a who's who of the remnants of the terrorist group Jemaah Islamiah and
other assorted militants.
Advertisement: Story continues below
Prosecutors said Bashir was the "emir" of figurehead of the group, and had held at least one planning
meeting with Dulmatin, a senior figure in the Bali bombings that killed 202 people, including 88 Australians.
Prosecutors had demanded a life sentence.
Amid an extraordinary security presence that included balaclava-clad snipers on nearby buildings, a defiant and
beaming Bashir arrived at the court denouncing Australia and America, saying they wanted to "elimiinate"
him because he was "fighting for Islam".
"Australia and America have a very big role ... in determining the court's verdict," Bashir said. "[They
would] killl me if they can. If they can't, they just want to get me out of society."
He called on his supporters to keep up the fight for an Islamic state but stopped short of advocating violent retaliation
if he was given a lengthy prison term.
"Don't be sympathetic to me, but carry out things on the way to Allah."
Maintaining his innocence before the verdict was read out, Bashir insisted "I am not a terrorist.
"If I helped in Aceh, then it is not wrong. It's in the Koran. It's a defence agains the war on Islam."
Among his supporters at the court were men wearing jackets emblazoned in Indonesian "Holy warrior, not terrorist".
One man leading the chanting was decked out in a shirt with Bashir's photograph printed on the front, and a large
image of the former al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden on the back.
Bashir was implicated in the Bali atrocity as he co-founded Jemaah Islamiah and some of the members of the cell
had attended his school. Bashir repeatedly praised the bombings and those involved as "holy warriors".
He labelled Australian and other foreign tourists who frequent Bali as "maggots".
But authorities failed in an attempt to bring him to justice on unrelated terrorism offences soon after the first
Bali bombings in 2002 and Bashir only served a short term for "rebellion".
A second, later, attempt to convict him of conspiracy involving the Bali attacks also failed after an initial guilty
verdict was overturned on appeal.
Before the verdict, Bashir said he would appeal against any finding of guilt against him.
It is feared the sentence could spark an angry response from the supporters, and authorities have been on high
alert for the possibility of retaliation.
Prosecutors had demanded a life sentence for Bashir, who was accused of using the radical organisation which he
now leads, Jemaah Ansharut Tauhid, as a front to fund a terrorist cell and paramilitary camp found last year in
a mountainous jungle area of Aceh on the northern tip of Sumatra.
AAP reports: Reading out the verdict, the chief judge said the evidence presented in the case had proved the defendant
had "incited others" to commit acts of terrorism by persuading them to undertake military training at
the Aceh camp.
"As well, he persuaded them to commit violence, which led to the deaths of policemen, and which created an
atmosphere of terror ... especially for the people of Aceh in general."
Bashir, the former spiritual leader of Jemaah Islamiah, the group responsible for the 2002 Bali bombings, has denied
the charges throughout the trial, which began in February.
He has not denied knowing about the Aceh camp but has previously said the activities happening there were merely
a type of training called idad, which all Muslims must undertake.
A large cache of ammunition and weapons, including AK-47 rifles, was found when the paramilitary camp was raided
by police in February last year.
Our Indonesian and American sources report that there was a significant U.S. and Israeli military-intelligence
connection to the October 12, 2002 bombings of the Sari Club in Bali, Indonesia. A DeHavilland Dash-7 aircraft
registered in Queensland, Australia, landed at Denpasar Airport in Bali only hours before a massive explosion ripped
through the Sari Club, killing over 200 people, many of them vaporized.
Our sources claim that an Israeli military team arrived at Denpasar Hospital a after the explosion and claimed
four bodies of white men in uniform and flew them out of Bali on the Dash 7. The plane took off an hour after the
explosion. Our sources have revealed the plane was permitted to pass through Singapore for an unknown destination.
After the bombing and the plane's departure, the tower logs were altered at Denpasar Airport to indicate the
Dash 7 had not landed there. However, in a major oversight, the apron logs were not tampered with. Our sources
have revealed the Dash 8 was Israeli-owned.
U.S. and Israeli intelligence involvement
alleged in 2002 Bali bombing.
Several victims of the Sari Club bombing at Kuta Beach had flash burns on their bodies -- something common with
people exposed to a nuclear blast. Our sources also have revealed that a CIA contract agent -- an Indonesian national
-- was at
Kuta Beach the day before the terrorist bombing. He is also known to have been involved in other terrorist attacks
on behalf of the CIA since 1998.
Our sources also indicate that the then-U.S. ambassador to Indonesia, Ralph
Boyce,
who is now posted as ambassador to Thailand,
was fully aware of U.S. intelligence pre-knowledge of the terrorist bombing in Bali.
Boyce told the American managing editor of the Jakarta Post (Robert S. Finnegan) that it would be unhelpful
if the paper pursued the U.S. angle in the Bali bombing.
Did you know ?
That a former retired Air Force Officer had allegedly confessed to police his involvement in the bombing and was
then released.
That this officer was allegedly trained in America in explosives.
That the destruction and deaths of 190 people in this explosion may have been caused by a micro nuke of the
type now been considered ( by the Bush Cabal ) as a possible weapon in the up coming war in Iraq.
That had conventional explosives been used this victim's hair would have been burned (picture on left)
That victims of a micro nuke would present with evidence of flash burns as seen in picture on the left.
Bali bombing: An investigator's analysis
Robert S. Finnegan, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
On October 12, 2002 the Indonesian island of Bali experienced a terrorist attack that rocked the world. It was
unquestionably well-coordinated and executed, the largest in the country's history.
Investigators and forensics experts from both national and international teams that had quickly been assembled
flocked to the crime scene, ostensibly to begin what should have been a long, drawn out exercise in forensics and
investigative sleuthing to identify and capture the foot soldiers, coordinators and masterminds behind the attack
that has left over 190 known dead, scores missing without a trace and hundreds more wounded.
It has turned out to be anything but that.
The Indonesian government immediately vowed to unite in the hunt for the bombers.
The U.S. government along with the international community seized the opportunity to point the finger at the shadowy
al-Qaeda group along with Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir as the culprits.
In hindsight, it would appear that perhaps these individuals, given their apparent intimate knowledge of the perpetrators
immediately following the bombing should have been included on the investigating team. Perhaps if they had we would
know more than we do today, which is very little despite the volume of information (or disinformation) being vomited
out by the spokesmen for the investigative teams on a daily basis.
A creeping sense of foreboding began soon after the forensics people and other investigators (inclusive of Insp.
Gen. I Made Pastika and his army of hundreds of supposedly top-notch investigators with virtually unlimited resources
at their disposal) announced after only a week and a half that they were wrapping up their on-site work and retreating
to the labs to analyze their findings. Astounding work, as it must have set a world record for crime scene forensic
analysis.
Given the scope of the bombing and the sheer size of the primary and secondary blast areas - where trace from a
plethora of different explosive compounds were swabbed from - this was a feat that escaped even the vaunted investigators
working the World Trade Center crime scene in New York, who spent nearly a year literally sifting by hand for evidence
at the site. It would appear that the teams on Bali possessed far superior skills and techniques ... or was there
something else responsible for their haste in wrapping up so quickly and then sending the rest of the evidence
as quickly as possible to the bottom of the ocean off Bali?
At this point in their investigation National Police Chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar states for the record that "traces
of a chemical powder used in the bomb" were found in the van allegedly used to transport the large device.
What powder? Even a cursory examination of the crater and primary site immediately following the bombings would
make this statement laughable were it not for the circumstances.
If indeed the Mitsubishi L300 van was used in the large blast, the five-foot deep by twenty-foot wide crater indicates
that it would have been completely vaporized, including the engine block which they apparently found intact - along
with the victims who instantly vanished. Indeed, this begs the question: Where did the investigators obtain this
evidence in relation to the crater?
Is it possible that if the van survived the large blast it was because it was parked at the edge of the primary
blast zone, packed with small amounts of all the explosives - whose traces were found at the sites - in order to
throw off independent investigators?
In addition, there is the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), allegedly signed jointly by the National Police and
the international investigation team, specifically restricting the scope of the "investigation links"
and prohibiting international inquiries. Could this at least partially explain why Pastika has continually stonewalled,
intimidated and generally obstructed independent investigators during the course of their work?
During the first weeks of the investigation, notables such as State Intelligence Agency (BIN) Chief Hendropriyono,
Susilo Yudhoyono, Assembly Speaker Amien Rais and Pastika focused or pretended to focus on foreigners - without
specifying "which" foreigners - who they said were behind the attack. Somehow this twisting, turning
trail dried up and disappeared into thin air without explanation, along with the former retired Air Force Officer
who allegedly confessed to police his involvement in the bombing and was then released. To this day his whereabouts
remain unknown and police investigators either cannot or will not release any information on this man, an officer
who was allegedly trained in America in explosives and is an incredible lead that should have been followed-up
on aggressively and thoroughly. Why was it not?
Are these the statements and actions of professional investigators - or the actions of individuals engaged in a
cover-up?
Let's look at the myriad of explosive traces found at the site and subsequently cited individually off and on by
investigators and police as "the explosive" used in the bombings.
First it was C-4, then RDX. These two are actually the same, the difference being nine percent mallable plastic
used in C-4. So, which is more powerful? RDX - nine percent more powerful than C-4.
Day after day, investigators trotted out a different explosive and combinations of explosives purportedly responsible
for the blasts. In addition to C-4 and RDX there was now TNT, Ammonium Nitrate, HMX, Semtex, PETN, Chlorate and
napalm. Everything but the kitchen sink. Was this gross ineptitude? Or another ploy to throw independent investigators
off the trail?
For example, had the originators of the napalm theory studied up on the material before opening their mouths they
would have known that napalm leaves a sticky, smelly residue on everything, including victims. This was not in
evidence at the blast site or at the Sanglah burn ward and morgue, where the burn victims were taken. Therefore,
in the absence of any physical evidence, napalm must be excluded and the originators of this farce be awarded a
grade of "F" in "explosives analysis." In other words, if you are going to lie, be professional
about it at least know what you are lying about and have the mental capacity to remember what you said when you
said it. This single evidentiary template could easily be applied and extended to the entire "official investigation"
of the Bali bombings where deceit, obstruction and obfuscation are and have been the name of the game.
To put this in perspective, let us look at three of the explosives claimed by official investigators to have been
used in the bombings, starting with the compound that has the lowest velocity of detonation in feet per second
(FPS) which is Potassium Chlorate at 3,500 FPS; compared to 12,000 FPS for Ammonium Nitrate and diesel and finally
27,800 FPS for RDX. In simple terms, at any given distance from ground zero these different explosive compounds
will exert pressure in pounds per square inch. Damage to people and structures are a result of this pressure in
varying degrees depending on the velocity of detonation. Even if RDX were used, the amount needed to cause the
level of destruction in evidence at the crime scene should have been in excess of anything available through even
the military, who denied possession of the explosive. There is also the delivery of the device to be taken into
account.
Each of the explosives cited by investigators (with the exception of napalm) have unique and individual characteristics
that vary for usage, stability and explosive yeild. They require specific detonators for each in order to obtain
maximum effect.
Also now at the bottom of the ocean off Bali is the reinforcing bar (rebar) located more than fifty feet from ground
zero that had been completely stripped of concrete as a result of the blast. Documented military estimates of the
force required to accomplish this is roughly 1 million to 1.5 million pounds per square inch.
What kind of weapon or device could accomplish this? And for that matter leave a crater of that size? Why was it
filled in? This arguably could have been one of the most important pieces of evidence available to investigators
not only for the trace explosive in evidence, but from which also could have been determined (roughly) the size
and composition of the device.
With the police claiming (off and on) that Amrozi, Mukhlas and Samudra (who allegedly at one point denied involvement
in the Bali bombings) were the perpetrators of the blasts, then why do the official investigators not know EXACTLY
the type of device used in the main bombing and its precise composition? To put it quite simply, how can we have
a bomber or bombers in the absence of a bomb?
Why were Amrozi and Samudra so quick to confess and finger their "accomplices"? Were these the actions
of dedicated, radical, Islamic fundamentalists? "Professionals"? Did they expect to further their cause
by eviscerating their own organization? Does it make sense that they were willing to kill and maim hundreds of
innocents - including many fellow Indonesians - and yet implicate their comrades to save their own skins?
Given this dismal investigative performance, exactly what role did the international investigating team play in
this debacle?
If indeed there is one thing that has been glaringly apparent throughout this investigation, it is that perhaps
nothing close to the truth has been told as of today. It is also apparent that something is very, very wrong not
only with the procedural aspects of this case, but also with the suppression and outright destruction of evidence.
The international investigators bear a heavy responsibility for this, and should be held accountable.
Jakarta Post Editor Robert S. Finnegan is an internationally published investigative reporter with over two
decades investigative experience. He currently holds an Alaska (U.S.) Private Investigator license
The following text was first published by Global Research in the months following the October 2002 Bali Bombing.
It was part of a longer article entitled Fabricating an Enemy http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO301B.html,
(This text is also contained in my book America's "War on Terrorism", Global Research, September 2005.
The recent interview of former President A. Wahid now provides new evidence regarding the role of Indonesian military
intelligence (BIN).
(See http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=viewArticle&code=20051014&articleId=1085)
Both the US and Australian police and intelligence authorities involved in 2002 Bali investigation turned a blind
eye on the links between BIN and Jemaah Islamiah (JI). BIN was in fact involved in the October 2002 investigation
together with its US and Australian counterrparts
Michel Chossudovsky, !4 October 2005
The Bali attack in the Kuta seaside resort resulted in close to 200 deaths, mainly Australian tourists. The
bomb attack was allegedly perpetrated by Jemaah Islamiah, a group, which operates in several countries in South
East Asia. Press reports and official statements point to close ties between Jemaah Islamiah (JI) and Al Qaeda.
The JI’s "operational leader" is Riduan Isamuddin, alias Hambali, a veteran of the Soviet-Afghan war,
who was trained in Afghanistan and Pakistan. According to a report by UPI:
"The [Soviet-Afghan] war provided opportunities for key figures of these groups, who went to Afghanistan,
to experience firsthand the glory of jihad. Many of the radicals detained in Singapore and Malaysia derived their
ideological inspiration from the activities of the Mujahideen in Afghanistan and Pakistan" 20
What the report fails to mention is that the training of the Mujahideen in Afghanistan
and Pakistan
was a CIA sponsored initiative launched under President Jimmy Carter in 1979,
using Pakistan’s ISI as a go-between.
JI’s links to Indonesia’s Military Intelligence
There are indications, that in addition to its alleged links to Al Qaeda, Jemaah Islamiah also has links to Indonesia’s
military intelligence, which in turn has links to the CIA and Australian intelligence.
The links between JI and Indonesia’s Intelligence Agency (BIN) are acknowledged by the International Crisis Group
(ICG):
"This link [of JI to the BIN] needs to be explored more fully: it does not necessarily mean that military
intelligence was working with JI, but it does raise a question about the extent to which it knew or could have
found out more about JI than it has acknowledged." 1 (International Crisis Group, http://www.crisisweb.org/projects/showreport.cfm?reportid=845
, 2003)
The ICG, however, fails to mention that Indonesia’s intelligence apparatus has for more than
30 years been controlled by
the CIA.
In the wake of the October 2002 Bali bombing, a contradictory report emanating from Indonesia’s top brass, pointed
to the involvement of both the head of Indonesian intelligence General A. M. Hendropriyono as well as the CIA:
"The agency and its director, Gen. A. M. Hendropriyono, are well regarded by the United States and other
governments. But there are still senior intelligence officers here who believe that the C.I.A. was behind the bombing."2
At the White House
Washington DC, September 19, 2001
In response to these statements,
the Bush Administration demanded that President Megawati Sukarnoputri,
publicly refute the involvement of the U.S in the attacks.
No official retraction was issued.
When pressured by US Ambassador Ralph Boyce to refute US involvement
President. Megawati did not issue a retraction but instead
accused the US of being:
"a superpower that forced the rest of the world to go along with
it…
We see how ambition to conquer other nations has led to a situation
where there is no more peace unless the whole world is complying
with the will of the one with the power and strength." 3
Meanwhile, the Bush Administration, had used the Bali attacks to prop up its fear campaign:
"President Bush said Monday that he assumes al-Qaeda was responsible for the deadly bombing in Indonesia and
that he is worried about fresh attacks on the United States." 4
The news [regarding the Bali attack] came as US intelligence officials warned that more attacks like the Indonesian
bombing can be expected in the next few months, in Europe, the Far East or the US."5
Cover-up
The links of JI to the Indonesian intelligence agency were never raised in the official Indonesian government
investigation --which was guided behind the scenes by Australian intelligence and the
CIA.
Moreover, shortly after the bombing, Australian Prime Minister John Howard "admitted that Australian authorities
were warned about possible attacks in Bali but chose not to issue a warning."6
Also In the wake of the bombings, the Australian government chose to work with Indonesia’s Special Forces the Kopassus,
in the so-called "war on terrorism".
Australia: "Useful Wave of Indignation"
Reminiscent of Operation Northwoods, the Bali attack served to trigger "a useful wave of indignation."7
They contributed to swaying Australian public opinion in favour of the US invasion of Iraq, while weakening the
anti-war protest movement. In the wake of the Bali attack, the Australian government "officially" joined
the US-led "war on terrorism." It has not only used the Bali bombings as a pretext to fully integrate
the US-UK military axis, it has also adopted drastic police measures including "ethnic profiling" directed
against its own citizens:
Prime Minister John Howard made the extraordinary declaration recently that he is prepared to make pre-emptive
military strikes against terrorists in neighbouring Asian countries planning to attack Australia. Australian intelligence
agencies also are very worried about the likelihood of an al-Qaeda attack using nuclear weapons.8
Michel Chossudovsky is Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa and Director of the Centre for Research
on Globalization (CRG), He is the author of a America's "War on Terrorism", Global Research, September
2005.
NOTES
1. International Crisis Group, Indonesia Backgrounder: How The Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist Network Operates,
http://www.crisisweb.org/projects/showreport.cfm?reportid=845 , 2003
2, Raymond Bonner and Jane Perlez, More Attacks on Westerners Are Expected in Indonesia, New York Times, 25 November
2002
3. Quoted in Raymond Bonner and Jane Perlez, op cit.
4. USA Today, 15 October 2002.
5. Business AM, 15 October 2002.
6. Christchurch Press, 22 November 2002), (Similar warnings were made by the CIA).
7. Operation Northwoods, op cit.
Michel Chossudovsky is a frequent contributor to Global Research.
Global Research Articles by Michel Chossudovsky
AM - Tuesday, 22 October , 2002
Reporter: Tim Palmer
LINDA MOTTRAM: There's been a mixed response from Indonesia's diverse Muslim groups to the country's new anti terror
decree, which was rushed into place after intense international pressure in the wake of the Bali bombing.
The country's biggest and most moderate Islamic bodies have given guarded support but hardline groups say that
the laws are simply justification for rounding up Muslims.
From Jakarta, our Indonesia Correspondent Tim Palmer reports.
TIM PALMER: A group of young men sit in a ramshackle office in a west Jakarta suburb singing along in Arabic to
religious songs on a battered cassette player, while surrounded by pictures of their heroes; martyrs from Chechnya
and Afghanistan, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin of Hamas, Muslim victims of Bosnia.
These are the foot-soldiers of the Islamic Defenders Front. A small mosque, fifty metres down a lane-way, the centre
for a group that, with the Laskar Jihad and Abu Bakar Ba'asyir's Jemaah Islamiah, consider themselves a united
Mujahideen in Indonesia, even if most of the defenders' actions are restricted to wrecking and fire-bombing the
bars and massage parlours they disapprove of.
The grandly titled Leader of The Forces, Haji Tubagus Sidik, says suggestions that the Bali bombers came from his
side of politics or even from Indonesia are wrong.
[Haji Tubagus Sidik speaking]
"Don't scapegoat Indonesian citizens," he said, "because before the bombing happened in Bali
there was an announcement from the United States not to go to tourist spots like cafes, then twelve hours later
the bomb happened. Everyone can understand that bomb was not made in Indonesia."
Haji Sidik doesn't believe there is any reason while an old man like Abu Bakar Ba'asyir should be arrested or considered
a terrorist.
He is virulently against the new anti-terror decree that his forces fear will be ammunition for a crackdown on
hard-line Islamists.
"We regret the anti-terror decree", he says. "It seems like it is cornering Muslims as
terrorists. Terrorists are in every religion. In Christianity, in Buddhism and America is the big terrorist".
Despite groups like this rejecting her law, there was some encouraging news for President Megawati, who is under
criticism for still planning to attend the APEC summit at a time many Indonesians consider a national crisis.
The moderate Islamist groups, Nahdlatul 'Ulama and Muhammadiyah, by far the country's biggest organisations, have
backed the anti-terror decree for now.
Secretary of the NU Ahmad Bagdja says he has reservations about the government's evidence against Abu Bakar and
the possible misuse of the law in the future, but for now his organisation won't resist it.
"I think that Muslims have nothing to be afraid of in the anti-terror decree", he said, "because
all Indonesians have an interest
in getting the terrorists".
Meanwhile, Indonesian security forces have again beefed up their presence at installations including air and sea
ports, citing intelligence reports of fresh threats of attacks.
The United States joined by issuing its third alert in four days, this time saying Americans in Indonesia should
be particularly vigilant in the immediate future.
In Jakarta, this is Tim Palmer for AM.
30 March 2011 Last updated at 06:08 ET Share this pageEmail Print Share this page
One of Indonesia's top terror suspects, wanted in connection with the 2002 Bali bombing, has been captured in Pakistan,
reports say.
Umar Patek, a suspected member of the militant group Jemaah Islamiah (JI), was detained earlier this year, local
and foreign intelligence sources say.
Jakarta is sending a team of police officers to confirm his identity.
The 2002 attacks on nightclubs in the Indonesian tourist hub left 202 people dead, many of them foreigners.
The US, which lost seven nationals in the attack, was offering a $1m (£625,000) reward for his arrest.
Umar Patek is the only major suspect for the attack who has not been killed or arrested, says the BBC's Kate McGeown
in Jakarta.
As well as the Bali bombings, he is alleged to have been involved in at least three other attacks in Indonesia
- and to have links with militant groups in the southern Philippines and al-Qaeda members in other parts of Asia,
our correspondent says.
There are no details about where or how the arrest was made, nor what he was doing in Pakistan.
Sidney Jones of the International Crisis Group told the BBC that his arrest could yield important information.
"Umar Patek is critical to understanding the terrorist networks in South East Asia. And because he appears
to have been arrested in Pakistan, he's also going to be critical to understanding the networks between South Asia
and South East Asia," she said.
"He's in a position to know more than almost anyone else in the region exactly what the strengths, networks,
contacts, finances and so on of each of these groups is."
Jemaah Islamiah (JI), which has links to al-Qaeda, has a long track record of bomb attacks in Indonesia.
A suicide bomb attack in July 2009 targeted two luxury hotels, killing seven people.
JI's goal is the establishment of an Islamic state in Indonesia and in other parts of South East Asia.
Did you know ?
That a former retired Air Force Officer had allegedly confessed to police his involvement in the bombing and was
then released.
That this officer was allegedly trained in America in explosives.
That the destruction and deaths of 190 people in this explosion may have been caused by a micro nuke of the
type now been considered ( by the Bush Cabal ) as a possible weapon in the up coming war in Iraq.
That had conventional explosives been used this victim's hair would have been burned (picture on left)
That victims of a micro nuke would present with evidence of flash burns as seen in picture on the left.
Jakarta Post Editor Robert S. Finnegan is an internationally published investigative reporter
with
over two decades investigative experience. He currently holds an Alaska (U.S.) Private Investigator license.
If indeed there is one thing that has been glaringly apparent throughout this investigation,
it is that perhaps nothing close to the truth has been told as of today.
It is also apparent that something is very, very wrong not only with the procedural aspects of this case, but also
with the suppression and outright destruction of evidence. The international investigators bear a heavy responsibility
for this, and
should be held accountable.
On October 12, 2002 the Indonesian island of Bali experienced a terrorist attack that rocked the world. It was
unquestionably well-coordinated and executed, the largest in the country's history.
Investigators and forensics experts from both national and international teams that had quickly been assembled
flocked to the crime scene, ostensibly to begin what should have been a long, drawn out exercise in forensics and
investigative sleuthing to identify and capture the foot soldiers, coordinators and masterminds behind the attack
that has left over 190 known dead, scores missing without a trace and hundreds more wounded.
It has turned out to be anything but that.
The Indonesian government immediately vowed to unite in the hunt for the bombers.
The U.S. government along with the international community seized the opportunity to point the finger at the shadowy
al-Qaeda group along with Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir as the culprits.
In hindsight, it would appear that perhaps these individuals, given their apparent intimate knowledge of the perpetrators
immediately following the bombing should have been included on the investigating team. Perhaps if they had we would
know more than we do today, which is very little despite the volume of information (or disinformation) being vomited
out by the spokesmen for the investigative teams on a daily basis.
A creeping sense of foreboding began soon after the forensics people and other investigators (inclusive of Insp.
Gen. I Made Pastika and his army of hundreds of supposedly top-notch investigators with virtually unlimited resources
at their disposal) announced after only a week and a half that they were wrapping up their on-site work and retreating
to the labs to analyze their findings. Astounding work, as it must have set a world record for crime scene forensic
analysis.
Given the scope of the bombing and the sheer size of the primary and secondary blast areas - where trace from a
plethora of different explosive compounds were swabbed from - this was a feat that escaped even the vaunted investigators
working the World Trade Center crime scene in New York, who spent nearly a year literally sifting by hand for evidence
at the site.
It would appear that the teams on Bali possessed far superior skills and techniques ... or was there something
else responsible for their haste in wrapping up so quickly and then sending the rest of the evidence as quickly
as possible to the bottom of the ocean off Bali?
At this point in their investigation National Police Chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar states for the record that ""traces
of a chemical powder used in the bomb"" were found in the van allegedly used to transport the large device.
What powder? Even a cursory examination of the crater and primary site immediately following the bombings would
make this statement laughable were it not for the circumstances.
If indeed the Mitsubishi L300 van was used in the large blast, the five-foot deep by twenty-foot wide crater indicates
that it would have been completely vaporized, including the engine block which they apparently found intact - along
with the victims who instantly vanished. Indeed, this begs the question: Where did the investigators obtain this
evidence in relation to the crater?
Is it possible that if the van survived the large blast it was because it was parked at the edge of the primary
blast zone, packed with small amounts of all the explosives - whose traces were found at the sites - in order to
throw off independent investigators?
In addition, there is the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), allegedly signed jointly by the National Police and
the international investigation team, specifically restricting the scope of the ""investigation links""
and prohibiting international inquiries. Could this at least partially explain why Pastika has continually stonewalled,
intimidated and generally obstructed independent investigators during the course of their work?
During the first weeks of the investigation, notables such as State Intelligence Agency (BIN) Chief Hendropriyono,
Susilo Yudhoyono, Assembly Speaker Amien Rais and Pastika focused or pretended to focus on foreigners - without
specifying ""which"" foreigners - who they said were behind the attack. Somehow this twisting,
turning trail dried up and disappeared into thin air without explanation, along with the former retired Air Force
Officer who allegedly confessed to police his involvement in the bombing and was then released. To this day his
whereabouts remain unknown and police investigators either cannot or will not release any information on this man,
an officer who was allegedly trained in America in explosives and is an incredible lead that should have been followed-up
on aggressively and thoroughly. Why was it not?
Are these the statements and actions of professional investigators - or the actions of individuals engaged in a
cover-up?
Let's look at the myriad of explosive traces found at the site and subsequently cited individually off and on by
investigators and police as ""the explosive"" used in the bombings.
THE INVESTIGATION
Yudhoyono: JI does not exist in Indonesia,
it exists in Singapore and Malaysia "
General Yudhoyono,
then Coordinating Minister of Political and Security Affairs, stated 5 days after the Bali Bombing that JI does
not exist in Indonesia although its alleged leader lives here.
First it was C-4, then RDX. These two are actually the same, the difference being nine percent mallable plastic
used in C-4. So, which is more powerful? RDX - nine percent more powerful than C-4.
Day after day, investigators trotted out a different explosive and combinations of explosives purportedly responsible
for the blasts. In addition to C-4 and RDX there was now TNT, Ammonium Nitrate, HMX, Semtex, PETN, Chlorate and
napalm. Everything but the kitchen sink. Was this gross ineptitude? Or another ploy to throw independent investigators
off the trail?
For example, had the originators of the napalm theory studied up on the material before opening their mouths they
would have known that napalm leaves a sticky, smelly residue on everything, including victims. This was not in
evidence at the blast site or at the Sanglah burn ward and morgue, where the burn victims were taken. Therefore,
in the absence of any physical evidence, napalm must be excluded and the originators of this farce be awarded a
grade of ""F"" in ""explosives analysis."" In other words, if you are going
to lie, be professional about it at least know what you are lying about and have the mental capacity to remember
what you said when you said it. This single evidentiary template could easily be applied and extended to the entire
""official investigation"" of the Bali bombings where deceit, obstruction and obfuscation are
and have been the name of the game.
FBI First on the scene
Missing Flight Logs
Australian Team arriving
Australian Forensic Team
Fertilizer and Oil liquid usage claimed for
bomb explosion
Australian Police Commissioner M.J. Keelty
at Press Conference October 15, 2002
To put this in perspective, let us look at three of the explosives claimed by official investigators to have
been used in the bombings, starting with the compound that has the lowest velocity of detonation in feet per second
(FPS) which is Potassium Chlorate at 3,500 FPS; compared to 12,000 FPS for Ammonium Nitrate and diesel and finally
27,800 FPS for RDX. In simple terms, at any given distance from ground zero these different explosive compounds
will exert pressure in pounds per square inch. Damage to people and structures are a result of this pressure in
varying degrees depending on the velocity of detonation. Even if RDX were used, the amount needed to cause the
level of destruction in evidence at the crime scene should have been in excess of anything available through even
the military, who denied possession of the explosive. There is also the delivery of the device to be taken into
account.
Each of the explosives cited by investigators (with the exception of napalm) have unique and individual characteristics
that vary for usage, stability and explosive yeild. They require specific detonators for each in order to obtain
maximum effect.
Also now at the bottom of the ocean off Bali is the reinforcing bar (rebar) located more than fifty feet from ground
zero that had been completely stripped of concrete as a result of the blast. Documented military estimates of the
force required to accomplish this is roughly 1 million to 1.5 million pounds per square inch.
What kind of weapon or device could accomplish this? And for that matter leave a crater of that size? Why was it
filled in? This arguably could have been one of the most important pieces of evidence available to investigators
not only for the trace explosive in evidence, but from which also could have been determined (roughly) the size
and composition of the device.
With the police claiming (off and on) that Amrozi, Mukhlas and Samudra (who allegedly at one point denied involvement
in the Bali bombings) were the perpetrators of the blasts, then why do the official investigators not know EXACTLY
the type of device used in the main bombing and its precise composition? To put it quite simply, how can we have
a bomber or bombers in the absence of a bomb?
Why were Amrozi and Samudra so quick to confess and finger their ""accomplices""? Were these
the actions of dedicated, radical, Islamic fundamentalists? ""Professionals""? Did they expect
to further their cause by eviscerating their own organization? Does it make sense that they were willing to kill
and maim hundreds of innocents - including many fellow Indonesians - and yet implicate their comrades to save their
own skins?
Given this dismal investigative performance, exactly what role did the international investigating team play in
this debacle?
If indeed there is one thing that has been glaringly apparent throughout this investigation, it is that perhaps
nothing close to the truth has been told as of today. It is also apparent that something is very, very wrong not
only with the procedural aspects of this case, but also with the suppression and outright destruction of evidence.
The international investigators bear a heavy responsibility for this, and should be held accountable.
In the wake of the terrorist bombing in Bali on October 12, reporter Evan Williams travelled to Solo in Central
Java and spoke to the man many people believe was behind the attack. Abu Bakar Ba'asyr is the leader of Indonesia's
most prominent radical Islamic group, Jamaah Islamiah.
Transcript
Williams: Did you or your group have anything to do with the bombing in Bali?
Ba’asyr: No, indeed I condemn the bombing, and I’m sure this is nothing to do with Indonesians.
Williams: Who do you think was behind the bombing in Bali then, if it wasn’t you.... your group?
Ba’asyr: I’m certain that it was engineered by foreign intelligence, which means I deeply suspect Americans – my
main reason being that it is justification by the Americans that Indonesia is the centre of terrorism, even though
this never happened before in Indonesia. They engineered such a huge bomb blast in Bali, which is a very safe holiday
place. They did it to prove that in Indonesia there are terrorists. This is to justify the issues being pushed
by America and its cronies.
Williams: Why do you think you in particular, and your group, have been so targeted as the suspects? Our own Foreign
Minister says the Jemaah Islamiah, which they say you are the leader of, is the main suspect.
Ba’asyr: Ask them. I don’t know. So give us the proof – don’t just accuse us. There has to be evidence.
Williams: Do you run the Jemaah Islamiah group?
Ba’asyr: No.
Williams: There are dozens of people – Muslim extremists - who have been arrested in South East Asia. All of them
point to you as their leader. Why do these people say that you are their leader?
Ba’asyr: Please ask them... and please show me the proof, the evidence. But I refute the accusation again. I always
suspect their accusations, because they hate Islam and the Muslims who want to uphold Islam. That’s why they engineered
the lying.
Williams: But I must insist... I mean, people like Omar al-Faruq who name you in their evidence, say you are their
leader. It’s not the Americans or any other government, it’s key people who have been detained for terrorism who
say you are their leader.
Ba’asyr: The confession from Omar Faruq, who I don’t know at all, I also don’t believe. It was engineered by America.
Until the Americans are brave enough to bring the person whose name is Omar Faruq to come to Indonesia to face
me, I will believe this confession was made up by the Americans – because the Americans in this case are using
systematic lying to attack Islam.
Williams V/O: While Abu Bakar Ba’asyir at first denied knowing the Islamic militants now in gaols across South
East Asia, later in the interview he appears to change his mind, admitting that while in exile he taught many of
them in Islamic studies including the concepts of Jihad – or Holy War.
Ba’asyr: Yes indeed I did teach jihad, because that’s the highest Islamic lesson. To defend Islam it’s an obligation.
So maybe because they have money, some of them go to the Philippines, Chechnya or Bosnia if they can afford it.
That’s their business. So I do teach jihad because it’s an Islamic lesson. I can’t hide it – but jihad according
to Islamic law, not according to how people feel.
Williams: What is it you’re seeking in Indonesia... what are you fighting for?
Ba’asyr: Well, as a Muslim I’ve got the orders from Allah and the Prophet to implement all of the Islamic rules.
The state must be regulated by Islamic rules 100 percent.
Williams: Do you preach violence as a way of achieving an Islamic state in Indonesia.
Ba’asyr: No, basically Islam always preaches peace. But if Islam is attacked we don’t have to be peaceful. If Islam
is attacked we have to defend it and that’s what the non-Muslims twist to call violence. They think that if we’re
attacked we should do nothing.
Williams: Three weeks ago the Australian Foreign Minister said you should be arrested. What’s your message to him?
Ba’asyr: My message to the Foreign Minister is to come here and bring the evidence. Don’t just accuse verbally
like a child. Ask him to come here and bring the evidence and face me. And as a foreign minister, don’t be too
emotional. Don’t be like a duck following America. He has to have his own position. So if he accuses me of involvement,
please bring the proof because the accusation needs evidence. That’s the first point. The second is, my message
to the foreign minister is that it would be better for him to become a Muslim so he can be safe in the hereafter.
Williams: Australia is a key ally of the United States, a very strong ally of the U.S. in the war on terror, and
possibly the war in Iraq. You say that America is an enemy of Islam. Does that now mean that Australia is now also
an enemy of Islam?
Ba’asyr: Yes... everybody who stands with America.... Australia has to ask - does America defend Islam, or is it
against Islam? Now America is conducting war against Islam, whichever countries stand by America, directly or indirectly
they are against Islam.
Williams: So if we join America in the war against Iraq, we are vulnerable to attack?
Ba’asyr: Tell your Prime Minister that’s a stupid thing to do. Supporting America in attacking Iraq is a stupid
thing to do. Tell him that.
Williams: The world is looking at Bali – at the bombing – and saying it looks like it is an Islamic group tied
to al-Qaeda. Are you tied to al-Qaeda? Do you have any links to al-Qaeda?
Ba’asyr: I don’t understand what al-Qaeda is. Al-Qaeda is a fictional organisation. It’s been blown up by America.
I’d never heard of al-Qaeda before. I’ve only just heard of al-Qaeda. And about what happened in Bali, I’m convinced
it was America, 100 percent. No others were involved. It is not possible that Muslims did that. It’s not possible
that Muslim fighters did something as crazy as that. It’s useless. Why wouldn’t non-Muslims attack Islam if we
kill them? We will kill them if they want to kill us. They are the ones we want to kill. It’s revenge – so it’s
all from America.
The area was buzzing with foreign tourists when the bomb went off
Indonesia says a man who died in a raid in Jakarta on 9 March 2009 was Dulmatin, the last remaining suspect wanted
in connection with the 2002 Bali bombings.
The BBC News website looks at the role Dulmatin and others played in the devastating attack that killed 202 people.
The seeds of the October 2002 Bali bombing plot were probably sown in a hotel room in southern Thailand 10 months
earlier.
At a secret meeting of operatives from South East Asian militant network Jemaah Islamiah, a man known as Hambali
is believed to have ordered a new strategy of hitting soft targets, such as nightclubs and bars rather than high-profile
sites like foreign embassies.
But it was not until August 2002 that Bali was chosen as the place to strike.
According to Ali Imron, who was jailed in 2003 for life for his part in the attacks, it was at a meeting in a house
in Solo, central Java, that "field commander" Imam Samudra announced the plan to bomb Bali, and the main
agents in the plot first came together.
Bali was chosen "because it was frequented by Americans and their associates", Ali Imron said. He quoted
Imam Samudra as saying it was part of a jihad, or holy war, to "defend the people of Afghanistan from America".
In fact, more Australians and Indonesians would die than Americans, prompting speculation that the plotters were
poorly informed, or manipulated by other people still at large.
Hambali, who is currently in US custody in Guantanamo Bay, is believed to have been the South East Asian contact
for Osama Bin Laden's al-Qaeda network.
But he is not thought to have played an active part in the Bali plotting.
Fire rises above Bali after the explosions on 12/10/2002
Some of the suspected perpetrators of the bombings are still being hunted
Instead, 43-year-old Islamic teacher Mukhlas - also known as Ali Ghufron - was convicted as the overall co-ordinator
of the attacks.
Prosecutors said he approved the targets and secured finance for the bombings. Mukhlas himself claimed he just
gave the bombers religious guidance.
He also recruited two of his younger brothers, Amrozi and Ali Imron, to play key roles in the attack.
Mukhlas and Imam Samudra are said to have chaired preparatory meetings in western Java during August and September.
Ali Imron said that the Bali attacks were originally planned for 11 September, to mark the first anniversary of
the terror attacks on the US.
But the bombs were apparently not ready in time, and the plans had to be postponed.
Final planning
The details of the attack were finalised in Bali between 6 and 10 October.
The bombers apparently all had separate roles.
A man called Idris, who was later jailed for another bomb attack, was accused of gathering funds and arranging
transport and accommodation for the bombers.
Amrozi cheered after his sentencing and said he would die a martyr
Amrozi admitted to buying the chemicals and the minivan used in the Sari club blast.
Ali Imron named Dulmatin as the man who helped assemble the bombs, and said a man called Abdul Ghoni mixed the
explosives.
Ali Imron said he helped make the main bomb, used at the Sari club.
He said a van loaded with explosives had been driven to Sari by a man called Jimi, who died in the blast. A man
called Iqbal wore a vest with a bomb in it, which he detonated in Paddy's Bar.
"Their duty was to explode the bombs," Ali Imron had said. "They were ready to die."
Iqbal is known to have died in Paddy's Bar. But Ali Imron also told police that the two bombs exploded prematurely,
which could have caught Iqbal out, so it is unclear if he was on a suicide mission.
All the individuals detained for playing a major role in the attacks have been sentenced - and Amrozi, Mukhlas
and Imam Samudra were executed in November 2008.
Other key suspects are believed to have been killed by police before facing trial.
Azahari Husin, a Malaysian who was alleged to be JI's top bomb-making expert and to have helped assemble the Bali
bombs, was killed in eastern Indonesian in November 2005.
Another alleged bomb-maker, Noordin Mohammad Top, was killed in a raid in November 2009.
The attacks which killed 202 people in the resort of Kuta, Bali, were a team effort - but the aftermath provoked
different reactions from those involved.
Police said Imam Samudra stayed in Bali for several days after the bombing to survey the devastation he wrought
and observe the reactions of people he affected.
Ali Imron shed tears in court, and repeatedly expressed remorse for his actions.
Amrozi laughed and joked about his case, giving a thumbs-up sign when he was convicted. He said he was happy to
die a martyr.
The following timeline is excerpted from reports published in The Jakarta Post unless otherwise attributed.
Tuesday Oct. 15
Police say C-4 was explosive material used to make bomb.
U.S. says al-Qaeda and Abu Bakar Ba'asyir responsible for bombing. Hamzah Haz says Muslims not responsible and bombing was "engineered".
One of the first issues raised by the bombings in Bali on 12 October 2002 is the question of who was the perpetrator.
Suspicion has immediately fallen on organisations within Indonesia which, it is claimed, have links to Al Qaeda.
While the Australian Government’s position is only that the bombings were clearly a terrorist attack, the United
States Government has declared that an Al Qaeda–linked group is responsible.
The fact that the Bali bombings were such large explosions and that they occurred in an area that had previously
been free of violence does suggest that a relatively large and well-resourced organisation from outside the province
is responsible. This points to Al Qaeda. It is important however, to consider the many complications that may muddy
an apparently clear answer. There have been a large number of bombings and other violent incidents in Indonesia
in recent years, and it is possible that the Bali events may be interconnected with these developments.
Firstly, there have been repeated incidents of attacks on nightspots such as bars and massage parlours in Jakarta
and other cities by Islamic groups which see these places as centres of vice which must be eliminated. The group
with the heaviest reputation for these activities is the Islamic Defenders’ Front (Fron Pembela Islam).
Secondly, while many of these attacks have been the work of groups with genuine Islamic credentials, renegade elements
from these groups and others operating under the guise of Islam have perpetrated attacks for mainly criminal reasons,
mainly to extort money from the owners. This phenomenon has also become intermingled with “turf wars” and other
conflicts between rival organised criminal groups for the control of drugs, prostitution and other lucrative activities.
For example, a number of discos have been fire-bombed in Jakarta in the last year.
More seriously, some bombings and other violent incidents have been linked into a complex web of political and
criminal motivations, allegedly involving the police and the military themselves. These include:
* Factions within the military opposed to reform, in particular efforts to prosecute individuals from the
New Order regime. A bomb explosion that killed more than 10 people at the Jakarta Stock Exchange building in central
Jakarta in September 2000 was linked to elements supporting the disgraced son of former President Soeharto. Investigations
suggested that the materials involved could only have come from military supplies. There have been suggestions
that “rogue” members of the military may be connected with the Bali bombing, motivated by a desire to undermine
President Megawati Sukarnoputri.
* The military in regions of internal conflict in Indonesia, such as Aceh, Papua and Maluku (Ambon), where different
elements of the security forces have become involved in a partisan way in the conflict or have acted in such a
way to suggest that they are deliberately fomenting violence. Many explosions, such as the one at an Acehnese hostel
in Jakarta in 2001, are not satisfactorily explained but have connections with the disparate conflicts occurring
in Indonesia today.
* Elements within the security forces have also been linked with organised criminal activities such as smuggling,
illegal logging, extortion and the drugs trade. Some of these have taken place in the regions of conflict mentioned
above where the military and police use these activities to finance security operations as well to enrich individual
officers. The functional separation of the police from the military has lead to turf wars between the two organisations
for the control of illegal activities. Early in October 2002, a unit of the military involved in a fight over control
of the illegal drugs trade in North Sumatra attacked a local police station and killed eight police.
Two particular features of the complex situation in Indonesia militate against easy explanations for violent incidents.
The first is that while terrorist attacks, internationally, are usually quickly acknowledged by the perpetrators
in order to gain profile and political advantage, those behind bombings in Indonesia have rarely claimed responsibility.
This tends to breed competing, ever more complex theories and explanations.
The second, related feature is that the various sources of conflict, political, criminal and personal, tend to
become intertwined in a way that makes simple answers about motives and perpetrators very difficult to discern.
Thus, while one group may, for example, plant a bomb using material obtained from the military, it may attempt
to have blame shifted to another group while expecting that a third element, their real target, will understand
the actual motive. The bombing of the Jakarta Stock Exchange is an example of the complexities of determining ultimate
responsibility.
In conclusion, there is strong evidence suggesting that the Bali bombings were perpetrated by a well-organised
group from outside the province, possibly with Al Qaeda or other international connections. But investigators may
well find that understanding this attack is complicated by a range of complex forces and motivations. The lack
of unequivocal evidence adds to the uncertainty created by such acts and increases the difficulty of ensuring that
they are not repeated.
For copyright reasons some linked items are only available to Members of Parliament.
Politicians condemn attacks on Ahmadiyah followers but nothing seems to be done,
writes Tom Allard in Mataram, Lombok.
THE killing of three followers of the Ahmadiyah faith by a frenzied group of Islamists this week has left Indonesia
reflecting on how closely it lives up to its national credo ''unity in diversity''.
Captured in horrific detail, on video taken with a mobile phone, were the bodies of three men, stripped naked,
being battered by stones and staves as hundreds of onlookers cheer. The police either stand back or, in the case
of one officer, try half-heartedly to shoo away the attackers.
It was grotesque, stomach-churning stuff and it was widely circulated throughout the country. Then, two days later,
a marauding mob of militants attacked churches and torched vehicles in Central Java, upset that a man who had been
found to have blasphemed Islam was given a five-year sentence and not death.
The country's reputation for religious harmony, lauded by the US President, Barack Obama, as ''inspiring'' and
an ''example to the world'' on his historic visit to his boyhood home last year, was in tatters.
After the violence, came the self-examination.
The Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, condemned the violence as ''intolerable'' and vowed a full
investigation. Many Islamic leaders also voiced their abhorrence and there were searing and soul-searching editorials
in the media.
Endy M. Bayuni, The Jakarta Post, Washington, DC | Fri, 02/11/2011 10:32 AM | Commentary A | A | A |
As shocking as the attacks on religious minority groups in Indonesia on Sunday and Tuesday were, the news did not
come entirely as a surprise to anyone who has closely followed recent trends on interfaith relations.
This is doubly tragic. The attacks might have been prevented if the authorities had not been in constant denial
of a creeping intolerance expressed by majority Muslims on one hand and religious minorities on the other.
Sunday’s mob attack on the followers of Ahmadiyah at a member’s home in Pandeglang, Banten, was not an isolated
case. The Ahmadis have been the target of several mob attacks in recent years.
Attacks have become bolder and more violent precisely because the police have not acted firmly. As a result, three
Ahmadis were slain on Sunday, six others injured and two reported missing in the worst mob violence wreaked against
them.
What was so shocking about the tragedy was its brutality. Video clips of the violence posted on YouTube show the
murderers beating an already dead Ahmadi while shouting “Allahu akbar!” (God is great). It also showed that the
killing took place in the presence of the police.
Tuesday’s rampage in the Central Java city of Temanggung did not lead to any casualties but rioters destroyed three
churches. Protests erupted after the local district court sentenced a man to five years’ imprisonment for blasphemy
— the maximum penalty. The final day of the trial of 58-year-old Antonius Richmond Bawengan drew thousands of people
who apparently were going to be disappointed with anything less than a death sentence.
Predictably, as soon as the verdict was read the crowd turned rowdy. Catholic churches in the town became a target
of mob violence on the assumption that Antonius belonged to the congregations.
Police had known about the gathering mob but were unable to stop its destructive actions.
One can make the argument that these were isolated cases and in no way reflected relations between religious
communities in the nation, at least not between the larger religious groups.
Ahmadiyah, with followers numbering around 300,000, has been singled out by Indonesia’s Muslim Sunni majority,
who resent Ahmadiyah’s claim to be an Islamic sect. The government, on the advice of the Indonesian Ulema Council
(MUI), has imposed restrictions on Ahmadiyah, such as a ban on the spread of its teachings and on their organization’s
use of the word “Islam”.
Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali even said in August that he was seeking to ban Ahmadiyah completely
because its beliefs, specifically belief in a Prophet after Muhammad, blasphemed Islam.
Such an official attitude is carte blanche for radical groups to attack Ahmadis — and for the police not to make
any serious attempt to stop such attacks.
The attack on the churches in Temanggung was not an isolated incident either. Many churches across the country
have been the target of vandalism in the past year. These attacks have grown both in frequency and intensity. Some
of the attacks turned into physical clashes with Christian congregations.
What triggered the attacks on Tuesday may be an isolated case, but the ease with which people were assembled and
mobilized to go on a rampage to defend Islam was not. Something is gravely wrong with interfaith relations at the
grassroots level. The attacks on churches confirm a recent survey and warnings by experts and religious leaders
about the rising intolerance evinced by Indonesia’s Muslim majority.
Religious leaders who have been engaged in interfaith dialogues have clearly failed to communicate a message of
peace to their followers.
Two problems have clearly emerged.
First is the police’s inability, or probably unwillingness, to confront mobs, especially mobs using religious symbols.
There is nothing holy or religious about attacking, killing or harassing other people because of their faith.
The second and larger problem is the government’s continued denial of a growing problem on the religious freedom
front. Religious minorities are finding it more difficult to practice their faith in the face of growing intolerance
from Muslims.
Every attack on Ahmadiyah followers or churches has been dismissed by the government as nothing more than criminal
acts for the police to deal with.
The roots of the problem — the inability of Christians to build their places of worship or the inability of
Ahmadis to practice their faith — were never addressed, let alone resolved.
If there is any silver lining, it is that the tragedies on Sunday and Tuesday finally prompted a large number of
Muslims in Indonesia to come out and to condemn the violence carried out in the name of their religion. Their silence
in the past might have been construed as condoning the attacks or complicity in the crime.
President Susilo Bambang Yu-dhoyono for once has gone beyond ordering the police to arrest the perpetrators. In
a speech on Wednesday the President demanded that the groups that incite violence and spread hate messages be disbanded.
He still fell short of recognizing that there were problems in religious freedom, but he went further than he has
gone before.
Has the government done enough? Have we seen the last of the violent attacks against religious minorities? Time
will tell. But the writing’s on the wall.
The writer is senior editor of The Jakarta Post.
He is currently a visiting fellow at the East-West Center in Washington, DC.
President Obama didn’t stop by Detachment 88 Headquarters during his recent visit to Indonesia, but if he had
he would have gained valuable insights into strategies to defeat terrorists before they reach the battlefield.
Detachment 88 is Indonesian police’s counter-terrorism unit, and they’ve had both notable successes and failures
in their efforts against the al Qaeda affiliated Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) group – all of which provide important counter-terrorism
lessons for everyone else. I spent time in the unit’s offices during a trip to South-East Asia with a team from
the Qatar International Academy for Security Studies (QIASS) tasked with analyzing terrorism risk reduction strategies.
Indonesia was the final leg of our tour across the world during which we met with law enforcement officials, intelligence
agencies, and community groups involved in running disengagement programs, as well as former terrorists – to learn
what worked on them. Our findings were unveiled at Interpol’s November General Assembly and the report was endorsed
by the Interpol leadership.
On our travels we met with former terrorists from groups ranging from the IRA in Northern Ireland to JI in Indonesia.
While their causes were different, one common theme in their advice was: Don’t underestimate how you can reform
terrorists while they’re in jail and then utilize them against other group members.
“While I was operational I didn’t have time to think about what I was doing,” one former terrorist said. “I was
too busy planning attacks and hiding from police. It was only when I was caught and had time to think did I begin
to reflect on what I did.” He was a senior member of JI and had worked alongside al Qaeda members in Afghanistan,
including Khalid Sheikh Mohammad, the mastermind of 9.11.
Governments don’t need to worry much about terrorists who have been given the death penalty or a life sentence.
They’ll never be free. Of concern, however, are those terrorists who we only have enough evidence to hold for a
fixed period of time, after which they’ll have to be released. The challenge is: How do we prevent them from rejoining
their former groups once they’re free?
If the detainees haven’t been rehabilitated, in all likelihood they’ll return to terrorism. We’ve unfortunately
seen how terrorists released from Guantanamo have gone on to launch new terrorist attacks. One time Guantanamo
inmate Abdallah al-Ajmi, for example, drove a truck filled with explosives into an Iraqi army base on March 23,
2008, killing 13 Iraqi soldiers and wounding 42 others.
The same problem of prisoners returning to terrorism on their release also exists with other detention facilities
and prisons around the world. And not only are terrorists coming out unreformed, they’ve often become even more
extreme in prison – and in many instances they’ve also succeeded in radicalizing other prisoners.
This is why rehabilitating terrorists and other disengagement strategies are so important. They’re not about being
“soft” on terrorists, but rather, as a senior intelligence official put it: “It’s about national security. It’s
about protecting our citizens from future attacks and lowering the risk.”
The advantages of reforming terrorists are not just that it reduces the odds that they’ll return to terrorism and
increases the odds that they’ll cooperate and provide intelligence. It’s also likely – and our team witnessed this
firsthand – that the reformed terrorists will encourage other group members to abandon the cause. And having served
time for the group, released terrorists have a credibility among members that’s hard to challenge.
Rehabilitation is just one area of a broader terrorism risk reduction strategy that our team studied. We found
that a comprehensive strategy – beginning from the moment the terrorists are arrested and first interact with the
state (and propaganda they’ve been indoctrinated with will either be reaffirmed or rebutted) to how critical thinking
is encouraged while they are in jail – is needed. And naturally any strategy needs to be tailored to local conditions
to be effective.
This comprehensive counter-terrorism strategy is what our military needs to support their heroic efforts in Afghanistan
and Iraq. Preventing individuals from becoming terrorists in the first place and turning committed terrorists back
into regular citizens – and even assets to be used against their former groups – will make our military’s job much
easier. If we don’t do this, however, our military will just be fighting terrorists we’ve previously arrested,
as well as new generations of terrorists.
Daniel Freedman is the director of strategy and policy analysis at The Soufan Group, a strategic consultancy. His
writings can be found at www.dfreedman.org. He writes a fortnightly column for Forbes.com
Indonesia militant attacks
October 2002: Suicide attacks on two nightclubs in Bali kill 202 people, many of them Australian tourists
August 2003: Car bomb at the Marriott Hotel in Jakarta kills 14
September 2004: Car bomb at Australian embassy in Jakarta kills nine, injures dozens
October 2005: Suicide attackers kill 20 on Bali
July 2009: Twin suicide attacks on two Jakarta hotels kill nine and injure scores
One of Indonesia's most-wanted Islamic militant suspects has been arrested at his home, police say.
Abu Tholut, 49, is suspected of helping to set up a militant training camp in Aceh province, recruiting militants
and raising funds for "terror activities".
He is also suspected of plotting attacks on foreigners in Jakarta and the assassination of political leaders.
Tholut, who has served jail time in the past for explosives offences, was held without a fight in Kudus, Central
Java.
"Abu Tholut was deeply involved in terrorist training in Aceh and armed robberies in North Sumatra province,"
national police spokesman Boy Rafli Amar told reporters.
Anti-terrorist unit Densus 88 arrested Tholut, who is also known as Mostofa, Pranata Yuda and Imron Baehaqi.
Splinter groups
The authorities have made a series of arrests linked to the discovery of a militant training camp in Aceh in February.
Among the highest-profile arrest was cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, who for decades has given spiritual leadership
to many of Indonesia's radical groups.
It is thought Tholut and Ba'asyir have been associates for many years.
Tholut, who fought with the Taliban in Afghanistan during the 1990s, is suspected of providing military expertise
at the Aceh camp.
The Aceh group was allegedly plotting a Mumbai-style attack on foreigners at luxury hotels and several high-profile
assassinations, including President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Police are also linking Tholut to a bank robbery in the city of Medan earlier this year, which they say aimed to
raise funds for militant groups. In 2004, Tholut was jailed for seven years for the bombing of a shopping centre
in Jakarta but was released in 2007 for good behaviour.
In the past, the former medical student has also been accused of establishing training centres for groups with
links to al-Qaeda in the Philippines.
Indonesia has suffered a number of bomb attacks over the past decade - many of them linked to the Jemaah Islamiah
(JI) group.
The police believe many of those involved in the Aceh camp were disaffected former JI militants.
Analysts say JI militancy has been on the wane for some time, and the authorities are now more concerned with splinter
groups.
Indonesia's worst militant attack came in 2002 when two nightclubs in Bali were bombed, killing 202 people, many
of them Australian.
In recent years, Indonesia has introduced a combination of new laws, anti-terror training, international co-operation
and reintegration measures to tackle militancy.
By Lolita C. Baldor
Associated Press Sunday, November 7, 2010
Indonesian special forces soldiers, known as Kopassus, attack a mock terrorist during a joint anti-terrorism
exercise with Australia's elite unit SAS at the Bali International Airport in Kuta, Indonesia, September 2010.
Working with Kopassus, U.S. officials have said, is important because the troops deploy around the world and members
move into military leadership positions. Human rights training probably will be part of the U.S. effort, they said.
(AP Photo/Firdia Lisnawati, File)
WASHINGTON (AP) — The discovery of a militant training camp in Indonesia, along with persistent terrorist attacks
there, have increased U.S. concerns that extremists are regrouping and eyeing Western targets in a country long
viewed as a counterterrorism success story.
With President Obama set to begin a visit Tuesday to the world's most populous Muslim country, there is renewed
attention on terrorists in Indonesia who in the past year appeared to be banding together into a new al-Qaeda-influenced
insurgency.
Recent Pentagon moves to renew a training program with Indonesia's special forces and bolster military assistance
show that the Obama administration believes the country needs more help tracking and rooting out insurgents, particularly
those who rejoin the fight once they are released from jail.
The United States has praised Indonesia's efforts to crack down on terrorists. Government police and military authorities
have captured or killed more than 100 terrorists over the past year.
U.S. defense officials, however, worry about the overall threat. They're watching for any signs of movement or
increased communications between Indonesian extremists and al Qaeda leaders in Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Terror in the Southeast
From the December 2002 Trumpet Print Edition »
The attack in Bali shows why Indonesia matters. By Ryan Malone
Indonesia: the fourth most populous nation in the world; the most populous Islamic country; home to rich resources
like petroleum, natural gas, oil, coffee, copper and gold; and now, a hub for terrorism.
The October 12 attack in the nightclub district of Bali—a hotspot for Western tourists—brought to light the fact
that Indonesia is a vital al-Qaeda stronghold.
This country is no stranger to conflict. Separatist violence has raged there, especially since President Kemusu
Suharto left office in May 1998. But, despite its enormous Muslim population, militant Islam has not been a major
threat to Indonesia’s stability.
The Bali attack, which killed nearly 200 people, changed all that.
It is true that Muslims in Southeast Asia are more tolerant and pluralistic than those in any other Muslim nation.
When Arab traders came to the area in the 13th century, they converted many of the natives to Islam. Though these
Muslims resided in an area with Buddhists, Hindus and Christians, they learned to live in relative harmony and
tolerance with them.
However, there exist four vocal, extremist minority groups that believe one or more of the following: that liberal
Indonesian Muslims have erred from strict Islamic law; that they must wage a spiritual jihad throughout the archipelago
either through peaceful or non-peaceful means; and that an Islamic state must be set up in southern Asia incorporating
Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the southern part of the Philippines and Thailand, and even the northern part of
Australia.
When Suharto took over the country in the mid-1960s, he was befriended by the West for helping them stop the spread
of communism in Southeast Asia. He even backed Muslim groups to achieve that end—but always remained able to repress
Islamic extremism.
When economic troubles and internal rioting forced Suharto to step down four years ago, numerous conflicts erupted—and
it was only a short time before radical Islam took hold of the nation.
A Prediction Fulfilled
Despite the fact that the majority Muslim faction is moderate, nearly all Muslims in Indonesia are angry about
the United States’ policy in Israel. This—combined with poor living conditions affected by a high birthrate, illiteracy,
economic turmoil and low productivity—factors into the formula for the rise of radical Islam.
That is exactly what this magazine predicted would happen. In an article titled “Why Indonesia Matters,” written
just after Suharto relinquished power to B.J. Habibie, the Trumpet drew attention to the importance of this archipelago
nation and the significance of these events: “In Suharto’s absence and newly appointed President B.J. Habibie’s
perceived weakness, power-grabbing in Indonesia is the name of the game, and radical Islam may be closing in ….
Even after Suharto’s resignation, enormous forces of anarchy, especially radical Islam, remain active in the streets
of Indonesia, only awaiting a spark to re-ignite them” (Trumpet, July 1998).
Suharto, through his dominant military, violently quelled any social or political protests. But now, violence reigns
across the island bridge—inter-ethnic violence, violence from autonomy-seeking regions, anti-Chinese, anti-Communist,
anti-Christian and anti-Islamic violence.
Another development since the close of the Suharto era has been increased piracy in Indonesian waters. This too
was predicted in the Trumpet: “Indonesian society is in danger of completely unraveling, and that could potentially
mean heavily armed ‘rogue elements’ breaking off from the Indonesian military to threaten international shipping
in the world’s busiest waterway …. In that event, a large portion of world trade is at risk. In fact, over half
of all international shipping travels through Indonesian waters” (ibid.).
These waterways are some of the most important in the world, especially the Strait of Malacca. But they have also
become the most dangerous. Increased piracy has been the major impetus behind the rapid expansion of several major
navies in the region, including those of_Indonesia, Japan and India.
“Time will tell if, in the absence of Suharto, a close relationship forms between Indonesian leaders and Islamic
militants. If it does, the world could be in for real trouble!” (ibid.). This “close relationship” has been evident
in Megawati Sukarnoputri’s current government, which came to power in July 2001. Her vice president is sympathetic
to the more radical views of Islam, and she has felt unable to crack down on militant sentiments while still keeping
herself alive politically (though she did enact some tough anti-terrorism legislation immediately after the Bali
attacks).
“Indonesia is like a ripe plum, just waiting to be picked and added to the radical Islamic camp. … Watch Indonesia
and the world of radical Islam! Great change is on the horizon!”_(ibid.). Today we have evidence of a strong connection
between the minds behind the September 11 attacks and those behind the attacks in Indonesia. The main culprit in
the Bali attacks is Jemaah Islamiah, recently identified by the U.S. State Department as an official terrorist
organization with links to al-Qaeda.
Though the Bali bombing was clearly aimed at Western interests, the target being a prime destination for Australian
tourists, Indonesia itself felt some serious consequences.
The tourism industry in Indonesia has significantly waned following the terror attack, with the Australian government
now telling tourists to stay out of the country. As tourism had been Bali’s major source of income, the absence
of tourists is further damaging an already weak economy, which never regained strength after the economic fallout
of 1997’s Asian economic meltdown. And, in a vicious cycle, the deteriorating economy tends to encourage more militant
Islamic sentiment. Sadly, Indonesia has become a breeding ground for disgruntled terrorists.
Why Indonesia Matters
But why does all this matter?
Certainly this unrest and increased militancy among Islamic extremists barely measures a blip on America’s nightly-news
radar screens. Even when four Americans were killed in the Bali blast (along with nearly 90 Australians as well
as other tourists), U.S. news broadcasts gave the attack maybe a minute for two or three evenings before going
back to the story about which planes and intelligence devices the Pentagon would use to catch the Washington sniper.
But this is still big news outside the tunnel-visioned U.S. media. The truth is, Indonesia matters. Asia has always
known that. The Bali blast confirmed it.
Instability in Indonesia can mean instability for Asia—economically and strategically. The main reason has to do
with Indonesia hosting so much of the world’s trade traffic in its waters. For instance, oil shipped from the Middle
East to nations like Japan (which obtains 75 to 80 percent of its oil from the Middle East) travels through Southeast
Asia. Nearly 27 percent of China’s foreign trade passes through these waters as well. Both Japan and China also
receive many natural resources from Indonesia, as well as Australia.
Both have offered to help Indonesia in a limited manner since the attacks. Japan reacted immediately to the bombing,
sending its Terrorist Response Team to help in the investigation. China offered to help arm the Indonesian military.
Other Asian nations are also very cognizant of the threat posed by Indonesian instability. In 1999, the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) plus South Korea, China and Japan agreed that they would commit more firmly
to protecting Indonesia’s stability. This year, their two-day summit in November began with the release of a joint
declaration on terrorism: “We resolve to intensify our efforts, collectively and individually, to prevent, counter
and suppress the activities of terrorist groups in the region.” In addition to their own countries being free from
terror, they need Indonesia—the guardian of these priceless sea lanes—to be stable as well.
In the same month as the Bali attack, a series of bombings throughout the Philippines killed more than 20 people.
During the past decade, Islamic extremists, especially al-Qaeda, have formed a second front for terrorism within
Southeast Asia. The radicalization of Islamic cells within the region was triggered by the Afghan-Soviet war, where
many hundreds of Muslims from Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines joined the fight alongside the mujahideen
(Islamic guerrilla fighters).
As Zachary Abuza of Simmons College observed (as quoted in The Age, Nov. 12), “The fact is, since the early 1990s,
al-Qaeda has found Malaysia to be a convenient base for operations.” (Malaysia is currently trying to disassociate
itself from Islamic militancy, even to the point of possibly hosting a U.S.-planned counterterrorism center.) Indonesia,
with its political and economic instability, was ripe for this too, as we suggested might happen in the Trumpet
of July 1998. Abuza continued, “Al-Qaeda has taken advantage of the political instability, and has looked upon
Indonesia as a new frontier.”
What Lies Ahead for Indonesia?
Because of its separatist violence, its growing rise in militant Islam, and its strong link with al-Qaeda, Indonesia
has the eyes of the entire world. Be assured that the U.S., as it continues its war on terror, will keep a more
watchful eye on Islam on its “second front” as well. It well knows that the attack in Bali was intended for Americans
as well as Australians.
Yes, Indonesia’s future is critical to the rest of Asia, Australia and even the U.S. Its future, however, is as
uncertain as it is critical.
When examining Bible prophecy, we know that the entire Anglo-American world (Australia included) is headed for
serious trouble—an economic and internal downfall that will lead to its collapse in a coming nuclear world war
(see story, p. 21). Indonesia certainly will have some influence in what is prophesied to happen to these English-speaking
nations—as the West continues what will be an exhausting war against militant Islam.
With Indonesia now providing fertile ground for extremist operations within the global network of Islamic terror,
it is possible that this country will become a factor in the rise of the prophesied “king of the south” (Dan. 11:40).
As we have written in numerous articles, radical Islam, led primarily by Iran, is that “king of the south” which
figures prominently in end-time prophecy.
According to Bible prophecy, the king of the south—though on the rise now—will have its heyday for only a short
span, after which it will be conquered by a “king of the north”—a united, Catholic-dominated Europe which will
overrun the Middle East and northern Africa (vv. 40-43). The degree to which Indonesia will be affected by this
European victory is unknown. What is sure, however, is that the peoples of Indonesia are mentioned as being part
of another giant alliance—known as the “kings of the east” (see Revelation 16:12 and Ezekiel 38)—to come against
the king of the north.
Many of those who inhabit Indonesia today are descendants of biblical Gomer and Phut (both identified in Ezekiel
38:5-6 as key players in this coming Asian alliance). And even if this Islamic country does initially align with
the king of the south, it will ultimately become part of the massive Asian combine, led by Russia and China, in
the final great clash that annihilates the king of the north.
Daniel 11:44 states, “But tidings out of the east and out of the north shall trouble him: therefore he shall go
forth with great fury to destroy, and utterly to make away many.”_A Sino-Russian-led conglomerate, which will include
certain of the Indonesian peoples, will clash with this European bloc.
There are two probable geopolitical reasons for this. 1) Asia will most likely be greatly affected by Europe’s
ultimate control of the Middle East, and thus the world’s oil production. Indonesia is an oil-rich country. Its
strategic importance as a supplier of energy to Asia will be greatly increased at this time. 2) Indonesia, as well
as other Muslim countries in the East like Pakistan, the Philippines and Malaysia (descendants of which are also
listed as part of the eastern alliance), would probably show interest in joining this bloc in reaction to the king
of the north’s trampling over its Muslim brothers to the west.
As far as the near future is concerned, the Trumpet has shown that the U.S.’s war against terrorism will by no
means eradicate it (see last month’s issue). Extremist elements in Indonesia will only grow more brazen, converting
more of the moderate Muslims over to waging jihad in the East. These elements will propagate as the king of the
south extends its global influence. •
Indonesia is the fourth most populous nation in the world—the most populous Islamic country—home to rich resources
like petroleum, natural gas, oil, coffee, copper and gold—and once again, a hub for terrorism.
Nearly three years after terrorists rocked a nightclub district of Bali—a hotspot for Western tourists—another
set of coordinated attacks hit three restaurants during the dinner rush Saturday evening, October 1. The blasts
killed at least 25 and injured over 100.
The October 12, 2002, attack, which killed over 200 people, brought to light the fact that Indonesia is a vital
al-Qaeda stronghold. Though no one has claimed responsibility for these latest blasts, the coordination of the
attacks and the timing so close to the 2002 anniversary smack of an al-Qaeda linked cell.
Despite the fact that Indonesia’s majority Muslim faction has been moderate, nearly all Muslims in Indonesia are
angry about the United States’ policy in Israel. This reality—combined with poor living conditions affected by
a high birthrate, widespread illiteracy, economic turmoil and low productivity—factors into the formula for the
rise of radical Islam.
That is exactly what this magazine predicted would happen: “Indonesia is like a ripe plum, just waiting to be picked
and added to the radical Islamic camp. … Watch Indonesia and the world of radical Islam! Great change is on the
horizon!” (Trumpet, July 1998).
There is a strong connection between the minds behind the September 11, 2001, attacks and those behind the attacks
in Indonesia. The main culprit in the original Bali attacks was Jemaah Islamiah, a terrorist organization with
links to al-Qaeda.
Attacks on Bali are clearly aimed at Western interests, the target being a prime destination for Australian tourists.
It is likely that this was the motive behind these most recent blasts. Current reports say two Americans were wounded
in Saturday’s blasts, as well as nearly 20 Australians.
What is the significance of these attacks in the greater geopolitical scene?
Certainly this unrest and increased militancy among Islamic extremists barely measures a blip on America’s nightly-news
radar screens. But this is big news outside the tunnel-visioned U.S. media. The truth is, Indonesia matters. Asia
has always known that. The Bali blasts reconfirmed it.
Instability in Indonesia can mean instability for Asia, economically and strategically. The main reason involves
Indonesia hosting so much of the world’s trade traffic in its waters. For instance, oil shipped from the Middle
East to nations like Japan (which obtains 75 to 80 percent of its oil from the Middle East) travels through Southeast
Asia. More than a quarter of China’s foreign trade passes through these waters as well. Both Japan and China also
receive many natural resources from Indonesia, as well as Australia.
Other Asian nations are also very cognizant of the threat posed by Indonesian instability. In 1999, the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations (asean) plus South Korea, China and Japan agreed to commit more firmly to protecting
Indonesia’s stability. Their two-day summit just after the 2002 Bali blasts began with the release of a joint declaration
on terrorism: “We resolve to intensify our efforts, collectively and individually, to prevent, counter and suppress
the activities of terrorist groups in the region.” In addition to their own countries being free from terror, they
need Indonesia—guardian of these priceless sea lanes—to be stable as well.
Because of its separatist violence, its growing rise in militant Islam, and its strong link with al-Qaeda, Indonesia
has the eyes of the entire world. Indonesia’s future is critical to the rest of Asia, Australia and even the U.S.
Its future, however, is as uncertain as it is critical.
When examining Bible prophecy, we know that the entire Anglo-American world (Australia included) is headed for
serious trouble—an economic and internal downfall that will lead to its collapse. Indonesia certainly will have
some influence in what is prophesied to happen to these English-speaking nations as the West continues what will
be an exhausting war against militant Islam.
Extremist elements in Indonesia will only grow more brazen, converting more of the moderate Muslims over to waging
jihad in the East. With Indonesia providing fertile ground for extremist operations within the global network of
Islamic terror, it is possible that this country will become a factor in the rise of radical Islam.
Trouble in Indonesia will also worry greater Asia. Indonesia is an oil-rich country. Its strategic importance
as a supplier of energy to Asia will cause these nations to protect their resources in the south. Threats in this
region will cause Asia to act with greater solidarity.
For more on Asia in prophecy, read our January 2002 article “March Toward Armageddon” or request our free booklet
Russia and China in Prophecy. •
The police’s counterterrorism squad has captured 17 terrorist suspects alive and shot dead five others in a series
of raids conducted since Thursday last week.
Spokesman for the National Police Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang said the five suspects were killed in the latest
raids on two separate places in Cililitan, East Java and in Cikampek in West Java on Wednesday. The police also
arrested a suspect in Cikampek.
“We arrested two yesterday [Tuesday] in Jakarta,” Edward said as quoted by kompas.com.
He added the squad shot dead the five suspected terrorists as they resisted arrest.
All the suspects were linked to the terror network in Aceh which was raided in March after the police discovered
its training camp inside a jungle in Aceh Besar regency.
Edward said preliminary investigation into the terrorist suspects arrested in the past week revealed that the group
had planned an imminent strike.
“They are suspected of plotting a terror attack in the coming few weeks,” Edward said, but refused to unveil their
target and details of the planned attack.
However, he said the police were still anticipating a possibility that some other members of the terror group remained
at large and could execute the planned attack.
The Indonesian parliament has passed anti-terrorism legislation which authorises the death penalty and detention
without trial for some terrorist acts.
Under the new laws, some suspects can be questioned for up to six months, intelligence reports can be used as
evidence in court, and investigators will be allowed to intercept mail and tap telephones.
The legislation is based on two emergency decrees issued last October, a few days after the Bali bombing, in which
about 200 people died, most of them foreign tourists.
Born in Malaysia, fled to Indonesia after 9/11
Wanted over bombings on Bali in 2005 and other attacks
Said to have split from Jemaah Islamiah and set up new group
Main accomplice Azahari Husin killed by police in 2005
Escaped police raid in 2006 and continues to evade capture
Three suspected militants were also killed in the raid
Indonesia's most-wanted Islamist militant, Noordin Mohamed Top, has been killed during a raid in central Java,
say police.
The man wanted for a series of deadly attacks across the archipelago was among four killed in a raid near Solo
city, said the national police chief.
It is not the first time Indonesian officials have claimed Noordin is dead.
Indonesia's president said the raid was a significant victory, but warned the militant threat was not yet over.
"We must continue to be vigilant and prepare for steps to tackle, optimally prevent and continue to hunt down
terrorist leaders," said Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
'Thank God'
The BBC's Karishma Vaswani in Jakarta says police are sure this time Noordin is dead because of fingerprint
tests.
Police chief shows the fingerprints from one of the bodies, in Jakarta on 17 September 2009
The raid was the culmination of a six-year manhunt
"Thank God on this holy month of Ramadan - it's Noordin M Top," police chief Bambang Hendarso Danuri
told a nationally televised news conference to cheers, reports AFP news agency.
He added that alleged bomb-maker Bagus Budi Pranato, alias Urwah, was also among those killed.
A member of the national parliament's security committee said he and other lawmakers had been allowed to inspect
the bodies of the four militants.
"Today, God willing, the radical movement has been disabled. One of the biggest terrorist masterminds, Noordin
M Top, has been shot," said the MP, Sidarto, reports AFP.
"There were signs that pointed to it being Noordin M Top, such as a big mole on the left side of his nose,"
he added.
Noordin, 41, is accused of leading a more hardline splinter faction of the regional terror group Jemaah Islamiyah.
Police are reported to have closed in on the rented house late on Wednesday after arresting two suspects nearby.
Witnesses said they heard gunfire through the night and then an explosion early on Thursday.
'Explosives'
A pregnant woman was among those arrested during the operation, said police.
Explosives and grenades were found in the house, Maj Gen Sukarna said.
The operation reportedly left behind a charred house with no roof and collapsed walls.
Malaysian-born Noordin was also reported to have been killed during a raid in central Java last month, but it later
emerged he had slipped through the net again.
Noordin is not thought to have been behind the 2002 bombings on Bali, but was allegedly involved in the blasts
on the holiday island in 2005.
He was also blamed for a 2003 attack on the Marriott hotel in Jakarta that killed 12 people, and the 2004 Australian
embassy bombing in the Indonesian capital.
A lull ended in July with twin suicide bomb attacks on the JW Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotels in Jakarta that
killed nine people and injured scores of others.
On raids in Cilacap, central Java, in July, police said they found bomb-making material at an Islamic boarding
school, and explosives buried in the garden of a house of Noordin's father-in-law.
Noordin was said to have been a key financier for Jemaah Islamiah, but was thought to have set up his own more
hard-line splinter group.
Indonesia's most-wanted militant Noordin Mohamed Top, who was linked by investigators to the 2005 Bali bombings,
has been killed, say police.
Officials believe the Malaysian-born former accountant orchestrated a series of attacks across Indonesia.
Noordin was thought to be a key recruiter and financier for the regional Islamist militant group, Jemaah Islamiah,
but analysts say he formed his own more hard-line splinter group.
The Indonesian government has managed to stifle militant strikes since September 2005 - the second major attack
on Bali, which left 23 dead.
Noordin is not thought to have been involved in the Bali bombings of 2002, according to analysts.
The man thought to have been Noordin's closest ally, Malaysian bomb-maker Azahari Husin, was killed in 2005.
Two self-proclaimed JI leaders were then jailed in April 2008 and three Bali bombers were executed in November
that year.
However, the suicide attacks on two hotels in Jakarta in July 2009, which killed nine people including two suspected
bombers, raised concerns that Noordin's militant activities had resumed.
The country's anti-terror chief said there were "strong indications" Noordin's group was to blame.
Assumed name
Noordin had fled to Indonesia with Azahari Husin after the Malaysian government cracked down on Islamists following
the 11 September 2001 attacks on the US.
Former academic Azahari was an expert bomb-maker
Once in Indonesia, he married using an assumed name, Abdurrachman Aufi.
His wife, Munfiatun, was jailed in June 2005 for concealing information about his whereabouts.
The two men are thought to have acted together to plan attacks, with Noordin as the financier and Azahari as the
bomb-maker. Newspapers dubbed them the "Money Man" and the "Demolition Man".
In addition to the two Bali bombings, both men were named as suspects in two other major attacks - one in 2003
on Jakarta's JW Marriott hotel which killed 12 people, and one on the Australian embassy in 2004 which killed 11
people.
Indonesian troops finally cornered Azahari, a trained engineer and former university lecturer who in 1990 gained
a doctorate from the UK's University of Reading, at a house in East Java in November 2005.
The father of two was killed, either by a police bullet or by a bomb triggered by an accomplice.
But Noordin continued to evade capture.
In January 2006, police said he was claiming to lead a previously unknown group called Tanzim Qaedat al-Jihad,
which translates as Organisation for the Base of Jihad. Analysts speculated that he had drifted away from the main
Jemaah Islamiah structure due to a disagreement about attacks on "soft targets", which often kill civilians.
In April 2006 police raided a house in the village of Binangun in central Java after reports that he had been staying
there.
Two alleged Jemaah Islamiah militants were killed and another two arrested in an early-morning gun fight. Explosives
were later found near the site. But Noordin was not.
In August 2009, security forces thought they had killed Noordin in a raid at a remote farmhouse in central Java,
but DNA tests later confirmed it was not him.
The security forces say they finally got their man a month later during a raid at a house on the outskirts of Solo
city in central Java. Noordin was identified from fingerprints, said police.
Three suspected militants were also killed during the siege at the rented property, where explosives and grenades
were found.
There is speculation the government is preparing to execute the three bombers by firing squad next week.
An Indonesian Islamic cleric linked to the three extremists awaiting execution for the Bali bombings said the 2002
attack which killed more than 200 people, including 88 Australians, was the work of the CIA.
Abu Bakar Bashir says the US intelligence agency had fired a nuclear missile at the Bali tourist strip from a ship
off the coast.
"It has been mentioned as being a micro-nuclear bomb, not a regular bomb... The bomb was made by the CIA,
it could be no one else," he said in his house at the Al-Mukmin Islamic boarding school on Indonesia's Java
island.
He said the attack was a conspiracy between "America, Australia and the Jews" and the three convicted
bombers - Amrozi, Imam Samudra and Ali Ghufron - had been framed. "The bomb Amrozi set off, the first one,
at most it shattered glass and didn't wound people, or at most wounded them a little," he said.
Amrozi had been "used by the CIA in coordination with America, Australia and the Jews. The police and the
prosecutors aren't brave enough to prove it." The coordinated October 12, 2002 bomb attacks ripped through
packed nightspots on the holiday island's main tourist strip and killed 202 people, mostly foreign visitors including
88 Australians.
Radical Islamist preacher Bashir, aged around 70, served almost 26 months for conspiracy over the attacks before
being cleared and released in 2006.
He had been accused of providing spiritual leadership to the Jemaah Islamiah regional terror group, a claim he
denies.
His comments come amid speculation the government is preparing to execute the three bombers by firing squad next
week, in line with their 2003 convictions.
The executions have been put off by a series of failed appeals and most recently by the Muslim holy month of Ramadan,
raising questions about the government's willingness to kill the men ahead of elections in April.
More than 90 per cent of Indonesia's 234 million people are Muslims, but most follow a more moderate version of
Islam.
Dismissing Indonesia's Islamic groups as "Jewish organisations," he said he would split from the Indonesian
Council of Mujahedin which he had led and form a new group to push for pure Islamic law.
He said he would launch the new group, Jemaah Ansharut Tauhid ("partisans of the oneness of God"), on
October 25.
At least nine people have been killed, including two suspected suicide bombers, in two blasts at luxury hotels
in the Indonesian capital Jakarta.
One explosion hit the Ritz-Carlton, ripping off its facade, and the other the JW Marriott. As many as 50 people
were hurt, including many foreigners.
At least one attacker was a guest at the JW Marriott, police said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has visited the scene and condemned "the cruel and inhuman attack".
No group has yet claimed responsibility for the blasts. One foreign national has been confirmed dead - a New Zealander
Indonesia suffered a number of bomb attacks - mainly linked to the militant group Jemaah Islamiah - in the first
years of the
century, but has since been praised for its campaigns against militants.
'Barbaric'
President Yudhoyono said Friday's attacks were carried out by a suspected terrorist group, though he said it was
"too early to say" if Jemaah Islamiah was involved.
He added: "Those who carried out this attack and those who planned it will be arrested and tried according
to the law
"This act of terrorism... will have wide effects on our economy, trade, tourism and image in the eyes of the
world."
The attacks, with homemade bombs, were on the basement car park of the Marriott and a restaurant in the Ritz-Carlton,
police said.
Police said that two suicide bombers were involved, and at least one attacker, and possibly more, was staying at
the Marriott.
An unexploded bomb and other explosives material were found in room 1808, which officials said was the "control
centre" of the attacks.
National police spokesman Nanan Soekarna said: "We still don't know who booked room 1808."
Gen Wahyono said a suicide bomber was suspected of carrying out the car park attack as a severed head was found
there.
"This act of terrorism... will have wide effects on our economy, trade, tourism and image in the eyes of the
world."
The attacks, with homemade bombs, were on the basement car park of the Marriott and a restaurant in the Ritz-Carlton,
police said.
Police said that two suicide bombers were involved, and at least one attacker, and possibly more, was staying at
the Marriott.
An unexploded bomb and other explosives material were found in room 1808, which officials said was the "control
centre" of the attacks.
National police spokesman Nanan Soekarna said: "We still don't know who booked room 1808."
Gen Wahyono said a suicide bomber was suspected of carrying out the car park attack as a severed head was found
there.
The team have now called off the Indonesian leg of their tour, saying they "cannot fulfil the fixture in Jakarta"
against an Indonesia Super League XI on 20 July.
The two blasts, in Jakarta's central business district, occurred at about 0730 (0030 GMT).
Businessman Geoffrey Head, who was in the Ritz Carlton, told the BBC he did not hear the blast but that his colleagues
had called him after it happened to tell him to leave the building.
"I looked out of the window - I could see down to ground level and I saw there was a lot of broken glass.
I thought it was time to actually get out."
Mr Head said there had been no warning to evacuate the building.
"The surreal thing was going down in the elevator and walking through the lobby and looking across to my left
and noticing the cafe was completely blown out," he said.
A 50-year-old South Korean man, Cho In-sang, was taken to hospital with minor injuries.
"I don't remember exactly but suddenly the ceiling is falling down and the sound was big," he said.
Anti-terror training
Consular staff are trying to track their nationals, and Australia issued a warning against unnecessary travel to
Indonesia.
The attacks come just weeks after the peaceful presidential elections.
The country of 240 million people has been praised in recent years for maintaining a pluralist democracy while
finding and punishing radical Islamists responsible for a series of bombings more than five years ago.
Attacks on two nightclubs in Bali in October 2002 killed 202 people, most of them Australian.
The Marriott Hotel was the target of a bomb attack in August 2003 in which 13 people were killed.
Since then, a combination of new laws, anti-terror training, international cooperation and reintegration measures
have kept Indonesia peaceful, analysts have said.
By Romesh Ratnesar;Simon Elegant, Zamira Loebis and Jason Tedjasukmana/Jakarta
and Massimo Calabresi, Mark Thompson and Douglas Waller/Washington
Monday, Oct. 28, 2002
Until the moment their world came apart on Oct. 12, the surfers and club kids who flocked to the idyllic resort
of Bali had little reason to believe they were in any particular danger. The U.S. had issued a general travel advisory
about increased al-Qaeda activity around the globe. But the possibility that terrorists would strike Bali, a Hindu
island in mostly Muslim Indonesia, seemed so remote that several officials from the U.S. embassy in Jakarta decided
to spend their Columbus Day weekend there; one of them was relaxing just outside the Sari Club an hour before it
blew up.
The scale, deadliness and timing of the Bali bombings were unanticipated, but they did not come as a complete
shock to U.S. counterterrorism authorities. U.S. intelligence sources told TIME that in several meetings with Indonesian
President Megawati Sukarnoputri since early September, Administration officials have informed her that the U.S.
had evidence that al-Qaeda had established a major presence in Indonesia. They pressed her to arrest Islamic militants
they believed were linked to Osama bin Laden's network, including Abubakar Ba'asyir, the alleged spiritual leader
of Jemaah Islamiah, a radical Islamic group suspected of terrorist attacks across the region. Two days before the
bombings, U.S. Ambassador Ralph Boyce told Megawati that if she did not begin cracking down, the U.S. would close
its embassy, which might drain Indonesia of American investment and devastate its economy. "We put it to them
very hard," says a senior State Department official.
It took one awful night in Bali for the message to get through. The Megawati government last week acknowledged
that al-Qaeda is active on Indonesian soil, granted intelligence authorities the power to interrogate suspected
terrorists without proof of wrongdoing and finally placed Ba'asyir under arrest. But the Bali attacks suggest it
may be too late to prevent al-Qaeda from making the vast Indonesian archipelago a new sanctuary. "We've been
talking with them for a long time about the seriousness of the problem," Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul
Wolfowitz, a former ambassador to Indonesia, told TIME. "There's obviously a lot more to do, and maybe this
will serve as a wake-up call for them."
Though the vast majority of Indonesians practice a moderate form of Islam, the country is an attractive haven for
Muslim extremists. Monitoring terrorist activity in a swath of territory that spans more than 13,000 islands would
test the mettle of any government, let alone a democracy as young and fractious as Indonesia's. Since the start
of her tenure last year Megawati has shied away from trying to snuff out the extremist threat, in part to placate
religious conservatives like Vice President Hamzah Haz, Megawati's likely opponent in the 2004 presidential race,
who has long supported radical groups and has denied that there are any terrorists in Indonesia.
FBI First on the scene
