The Wikileaks saga began at the end of last year after Julian Assange's organisation obtained tens of thousands
of confidential American diplomatic cables.
Together with a number of news organisations, Wikileaks began to release some of the documents.
But the newspapers that then published them were absolutely clear about the need to redact references to confidential
informants.
A careful editorial process was conducted in those first weeks of December 2010, as newspapers filled their pages
with a mass of diplomatic tittle-tattle, some of it deeply embarrassing to the US.
Now though, the affair has taken a new twist. Unredacted versions of the entire archive of a quarter of a million
American cables are on the internet. No encryption. No passwords needed.
The newspapers which initially collaborated with Wikileaks, are furious that valuable sources could be endangered.
Today the Guardian in London said there had been "a chapter of accidents
within Julian Assange's chaotic organisation".
Wikileaks' media partners have strongly criticised the whistleblower group's decision to release its entire
archive of US cables uncensored.
Wikileaks says all 251,287 of the leaked diplomatic cables are now online in a searchable format.
It comes amid a row between Wikileaks and the Guardian newspaper over who was behind the earlier release of thousands
of unredacted cables
The papers said they were "united in condemning" the uncensored release.
Wikileaks has already published tens of thousands of the cables and had planned to keep doing so until November
this year.
But on Friday it announced on its Twitter feed: "Shining a light on 45 years of US 'diplomacy', it is time
to open the archives forever."
It then began publishing its remaining cables, grouped by the country they relate to. They include 34,687 files
on Iraq, 8,003 on Kuwait, 9,755 on Australia and 12,606 on Egypt.
'Sources at risk'
The search database soon became overloaded, prompting Wikileaks to appeal for donations to fund additional server
space.
The Guardian said the archive contained several thousand files marked "Strictly protect," indicating
US officials thought sources could be endangered if identified. Some files also name victims of sex offences, people
persecuted by their governments and the locations of sensitive government installations, said the paper.
One cable dated December 2004 contains the telephone numbers of key figures at the Vatican, including the then
Pope John Paul II.
In a joint statement, the Guardian, El Pais, New York Times and Der Spiegel said they "deplore the decision
of WikiLeaks to publish the unredacted state department cables, which may put sources at risk".
"Our previous dealings with WikiLeaks were on the clear basis that we would only publish cables which had
been subjected to a thorough joint editing and clearance process. We will continue to defend our previous collaborative
publishing endeavour.
"We cannot defend the needless publication of the complete data - indeed, we are united in condemning it.
The papers said the decision to publish the files was made solely by Wikileaks' founder Julian Assange, who is
on bail in the UK awaiting extradition to Sweden to answer allegations of rape and sexual assault.
French newspaper and Wikileaks partner Le Monde told the Associated Press it would also sign the statement.
In response, Wikileaks said on Twitter: "The Guardian continues to issue false statements. The nepotism in
the Guardian has clearly compromised its accountability."
Among the latest revelations are:
concern from the US consulate in Guangzhou, China over "alarming" levels of contamination in the Pearl
River and other water supplies, presenting serious health and economic problems
a UN investigator in Iraq wrote to the US saying he had information that US troops handcuffed and executed 10 Iraqi
civilians, including children, during a raid in 2006 - the soldiers were cleared of wrongdoing but Iraq now says
it is reopening the investigation eight out of 10 girls interviewed in a town in Ivory Coast said they had exchanged
sex for food or lodging with UN peacekeepers from Benin environmental scientists in Nigeria witnessed local people
living in the middle of oil spills and had seen young boys swimming in crude oil.
Bedouin citizens of Israel are routinely marginalised, and unnamed Israeli officials fear they could "acquire
anti-aircraft missiles for use against Israeli aircraft"
Password online
Wikileaks has been steadily releasing the cables - written by staff at US embassies around to the world to the
State Department - since 2010.
The confidential cables - containing officials' candid views on society, politics, state leaders and other individuals
- have proved embarrassing to US officials and others worldwide
Wikileaks initially agreed to pass the data to several newspapers, who searched for noteworthy stories, then removed
names and other sensitive data before publishing.
However, it has long been known that Wikileaks lost control of the cables even before they were published and that
encrypted files are circulating on the internet.
Earlier this week, Wikileaks announced it had released 133,887 cables in a batch, saying it wanted to "get
as much of the material as possible into the hands of journalists and human rights lawyers who need it".
It said publishing en masse was the only "internally rational action", because the Guardian had already
made public the password used to access the encrypted data online. Wikileaks has started legal action against the
paper.
It emerged that in many cases, no identifying names had been removed.
On Thursday, it ran an online poll asking whether it should release the remaining files and said the response was
"over 100 to 1 in favour".
The Guardian has strongly denied responsibility. It said while the password was published in a book seven months
ago, it was only ever intended to be a temporary code which would expire within hours. It blamed Wikileaks for
a security breach, saying they had had seven months to delete the files if they were concerned.
On Thursday, Reporters Without Borders said it was temporarily suspending its mirror site - which holds a backup
of Wikileaks documents in case of a website overload or cyberattack - citing concerns for the safety of those involved.
"While it has not been demonstrated that lives have so far been put in danger by these revelations, the repercussions
they could have for informants, such as dismissal, physical attacks and other reprisals, cannot be neglected,"
said the group.
It said it had "neither the technical, human or financial resources to check each cable" to ensure no-one
was identified, so had decided to "play safe
Former media partners condemn WikiLeaks' decision to make public documents identifying activists and whistleblowers
James Ball
guardian.co.uk, Friday 2 September 2011 12.55 BST
WikiLeaks has published its full archive, including diplomatic cables
marked by the US to indicate sources could be in danger.
Photograph: Karen Bleier/AFP/Getty Images
WikiLeaks has published its full archive of 251,000 secret US diplomatic cables, without redactions, potentially
exposing thousands of individuals named in the documents to detention, harm or putting their lives in danger.
The move has been strongly condemned by the five previous media partners – the Guardian, New York Times, El Pais,
Der Spiegel and Le Monde – who have worked with WikiLeaks publishing carefully selected and redacted documents.
"We deplore the decision of WikiLeaks to publish the unredacted state department cables, which may put sources
at risk," the organisations said in a joint statement.
"Our previous dealings with WikiLeaks were on the clear basis that we would only publish cables which had
been subjected to a thorough joint editing and clearance process. We will continue to defend our previous collaborative
publishing endeavour. We cannot defend the needless publication of the complete data – indeed, we are united in
condemning it.
"The decision to publish by Julian Assange was his, and his alone."
Diplomats, governments, human rights charities and media organisations had urged WikiLeaks's founder, Assange,
not to publish the full cache of cables without careful source protection.
The newly published archive contains more than 1,000 cables identifying individual activists; several thousand
labelled with a tag used by the US to mark sources it believes could be placed in danger; and more than 150 specifically
mentioning whistleblowers.
The cables also contain references to people persecuted by their governments, victims of sex offences, and locations
of sensitive government installations and infrastructure.
WikiLeaks has published its full archive in an easily accessible and searchable manner, the first time the content
has been made widely available to those without sophisticated technical skills.
It conducted a poll of its Twitter followers to decide whether to publish the documents, which it initially said
was running at "100 to one" in favour of publishing. WikiLeaks did not disclose the final tallies, nor
how many individuals responded to its poll.
Reporters Without Borders, a press freedom group which had been maintaining a backup version of the WikiLeaks site,
revoked its support for the whistleblowing site in the wake of the decision.
"Some of the new cables have reportedly not been redacted and show the names of informants in various countries,
including Israel, Jordan, Iran and Afghanistan," it said in a statement. "While it has not been demonstrated
that lives have so far been put in danger by these revelations, the repercussions they could have for informants,
such as dismissal, physical attacks and other reprisals, cannot be neglected."
The whistleblowing website began releasing the cables in December 2010, in conjunction with five media organisations
including the Guardian. The mainstream news organisations carefully selected cables and before publication removed
any information which could lead to sensitive sources being identified.
WikiLeaks claimed its disclosure was prompted after conflicts between Assange and former WikiLeaks associates led
to one highlighting an error made months before. When passing the documents to the Guardian, Assange created a
temporary web server and placed an encrypted file containing the documents on it. The Guardian was led to believe
this was a temporary file and the server would be taken offline after a period of hours.
However, former WikiLeaks staff member Daniel Domscheit-Berg, who parted acrimoniously with WikiLeaks, said instead
of following standard security precautions and creating a temporary folder, Assange instead re-used WikiLeaks's
"master password". This password was then unwittingly placed in the Guardian's book on the embassy cables,
which was published in February 2011.
Separately, a WikiLeaks activist had placed the encrypted files on BitTorrent, a peer-to-peer file sharing network,
in the hours before Julian Assange was imprisoned pending extradition proceedings in December 2010, as a form of
insurance for the site. Fewer than five people knew of the existence of the site.
As former activists' disillusionment with WikiLeaks grew, one told German magazine Freitag about the link between
the publicly available password and files in an attempt to highlight sloppy security at WikiLeaks. The magazine
published the story with no information to identify the password or files.
WikiLeaks then published a series of increasingly detailed tweets giving clues about where the password might be
found as part of its attempts to deny security failings on its own part. These are believed to have led a small
group of internet users to find the files, which were published in a difficult-to-access format requiring significant
technical skill, on rival leak site Cryptome.
Domscheit-Berg, often referred to as Assange's former deputy at WikiLeaks, condemned the password reuse. "The
file was never supposed to be shared with anyone at all," he said. "To get a copy you would usually make
a new copy with a new password. He [Assange] was too lazy to create something new."
On Sunday 28th November 2010, WikiLeaks began publishing 251,287 leaked United States embassy cables, the largest
set of confidential documents ever to be released into the public domain.
The documents will give people around the world an unprecedented insight into the
US Government’s foreign activities.
The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Thu, 08/25/2011 4:22 PM
As many as 1,860 US diplomatic cables concerning Indonesia were released by WikiLeaks on Wednesday night and are
now available on its website.
The leaked documents reveal the US' views regarding a number of issues in Indonesia, including its approval of
former finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati's tax reform policy; sharing bird flu virus samples; and the war
on terror.
Some cables also refer to talks about the deliberation of the Anti-pornography Law and the US' support for then
Bengkulu gubernatorial candidate Agusrin Najamuddin, now the incumbent Bengkulu governor.
One of the cables even says that USAID had explored opportunities to exploit natural resources in Bengkulu, tempointeraktif.com
reported.
The US-Indonesia diplomatic cables can be seen at: http://wikileaks.org/tag/ID_0.html.
Along with the release of the cables concerning Indonesia, WikiLeaks also released US diplomatic cables concerning
Russia, Libya, Syria, Egypt, the Vatican and Israel, among dozens of others.
Two confidential reports about Lapindo mudflow were uploaded to wikileaks. Here’s an excerpt from the wikileak
page:
UK geologists downplayed Lapindo's argument and concluded that the earthquake was merely coincidental. While it
could have generated a new fracture system and weakened strata surrounding the Banjar-Panji 1 well, it could not
have been the cause of the formation of the hydraulic fracture that created the main vent 200 m (660 ft) away from
the borehole. Additionally there was no other mud volcano reported on Java afterthe earthquake and the main drilling
site is 300 km (190 mi) away from the earthquake's epicenter. The intensity of the earthquake at the drilling site
was estimated to have been only magnitude 2 on Richter scale, the same effect as of a heavy truck passing over
the area.
TriTech Petroleum report on the cause of the East Javan mud-volcano Lusi, 2006
The Lapindo mud also called Sidoarjo mud flow, also informally abbreviated as Lusi, is a mud volcano in the subdistrict
of Porong, Sidoarjo in East Java, Indonesia that has been ongoing since May 2006
Sidoarjo Neil Adams report on the cause of the East Javan mud-volcano Lusi, 2006
Two confidential reports about Lapindo mudflow were uploaded to wikileaks. Here’s an excerpt from the wikileak
page:
UK geologists downplayed Lapindo's argument and concluded that the earthquake was merely coincidental. While
it could have generated a new fracture system and weakened strata surrounding the Banjar-Panji 1 well, it could
not have been the cause of the formation of the hydraulic fracture that created the main vent 200 m (660 ft) away
from the borehole. Additionally there was no other mud volcano reported on Java after the earthquake and the main
drilling site is 300 km (190 mi) away from the earthquake's epicenter. The intensity of the earthquake at the drilling
site was estimated to have been only magnitude 2 on Richter scale, the same effect as of a heavy truck passing
over the area.
TEMPO Interaktif, Jakarta - Wikileaks kembali membocorkan dokumen rahasia Amerika Serikat yang terkait Indonesia.
Dokumen yang dirilis pada Kamis, 25 Agustus 2011, ini memaparkan tentang kebijakan pajak mantan Menteri Keuangan
Sri Mulyani Indrawati.
Dokumen tertanggal 19 April 2006 itu memuat dokumen dukungan Amerika Serikat terhadap reformasi pajak di Indonesia.
Pada tanggal itu bertepatan dengan pertemuan Sri Mulyani dengan negara donor dan Badan Moneter Internasional (IMF).
Kawat diplomatik Amerika ini berjudul, INDONESIA: TAX REFORM MOVES FORWARD.
Dalam pertemuan Indonesia dengan negara-negara donor dan IMF pada 19 April 2006, Sri Mulyani mengaku butuh bantuan
jangka panjang untuk reformasi pajak di Indonesia. Permintaan Sri Mulyani dikabulkan IMF dan sejumlah negara donor.
Perwakilan Senior President IMF berjanji akan mendamping Sri Mulyani, Marie Muhammad, dan Marsilam Simanjuntak
membuat kebijakan pajak dan mengkoordinasi negara pendonor.
Sementara itu Bank Dunia, Australia, Jepang, Swedia, dan Amerika Serikat menjamin akan mendukung Sri Mulyani dalam
mereformasi pajak. Sri Mulyani menegaskan pentingnya fleksibilitas donor bagi reformasi ini. Soalnya reformasi
pajak jangkauan luas dan sangat dinamis, tantangan-tantangan tak terduga bisa muncul kapan saja. Sri Mulyani menyarankan
pertemuan empat bulanan dengan negara donor untuk berdiskusi tentang kemajuan reformasi pajak di Indonesia.
Menurut Kedutaan Besar Amerika Serikat di Jakarta, Sri Mulyani mempunyai target untuk mencapai "quick victory"
dalam reformasi pajak. Tujuannya menepis tudingan investor asing bahwa audit pajak di Indonesia tidak transparan.
"Kami berharap Sri Mulyani menyebut dukungan yang kuat dari Pemerintah Amerika Serikat terhadap reformasi
pajak di Indonesia pada pertemuan donor di Washington 21-23 April mendatang," tulis kabel diplomatik tersebut.
Kabel Data tersebut juga memaparkan profil dan rekam jejak Marie Muhammad dan Marsilam Simanjuntak. Dua orang yang
ditunjuk Sri Mulyani untuk membantu membuat konsep dasar reformasi pajak. Penunjukkan Marie dan Marsilam juga dilaporkan
dalam pertemuan 19 April dengan negara donor dan IMF. Kedua orang tersebut dikenal bersih dan lantang menentang
korupsi.
Detail bocoran kawat diplomatik itu bisa dilihat di http://wikileaks.org/cable/2006/04/06JAKARTA4964.html.
Sebelumnya, pada akhir 2010, Wikileaks pernah mengklaim memiliki sebanyak 3.059 dokumen rahasia Amerika Serikat
yang terkait Indonesia. Beberapa yang telah dirilis di antaranya tentang masalah Timor Timur dan Pemilu 2004. Bahkan
dalam dokumen yang dibocorkan Wikileaks Presiden SBY disebut sebagai "the thinking general'.
As many as 1,860 US diplomatic cables concerning Indonesia were released by WikiLeaks on Wednesday night and are
now available on its website.
The leaked documents reveal the US' views regarding a number of issues in Indonesia, including its approval of
former finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati's tax reform policy; sharing bird flu virus samples; and the war
on terror.
Some cables also refer to talks about the deliberation of the Anti-pornography Law and the US' support for then
Bengkulu gubernatorial candidate Agusrin Najamuddin, now the incumbent Bengkulu governor.
One of the cables even says that USAID had explored opportunities to exploit natural resources in Bengkulu, tempointeraktif.com
reported.
The US-Indonesia diplomatic cables can be seen at: http://wikileaks.org/tag/ID_0.html.
Along with the release of the cables concerning Indonesia, WikiLeaks also released US diplomatic cables concerning
Russia, Libya, Syria, Egypt, the Vatican and Israel, among dozens of others.
“Full new WikiLeaks 55,000+ new cable releases available by bittorent,” WikiLeaks wrote on its Twitter account
@wikileaks on Wednesday night.
25 Aug 2011 15:47
Source: trustlaw // Luke Balleny
By Luke Balleny
LONDON (TrustLaw) - The website WikiLeaks published diplomatic cables on Wednesday from the U.S. embassy in Jakarta
that heavily criticise the Indonesian government’s anti-corruption efforts, the Jakarta Globe reported.
The 2009 cables are particularly scathing about President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his leadership during a
scandal in which the country’s anti-graft agency, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), was perceived to
be under threat.
“Yudhoyono’s remarks left the public critical of his leadership and provided no clear end to these continuing issues,”
the paper quoted one cable as saying.
A second cable criticised the lack of cooperation between anti-corruption prosecutors and the police. “The two
groups rarely work together on investigations; when police hand over a dossier, prosecutors find themselves often
dissatisfied with the results,” it said.
“Interagency law enforcement task forces seen routinely in the U.S. remain rare in Indonesia; police and prosecutors
seldom develop joint, long-term strategies and often miss opportunities to shake up corrupt networks,” the cable
continued.
Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has been heavily criticized in a new batch
of US diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks on Wednesday.
The cables, which originate from the US Embassy in Jakarta, also criticize a number of senior or former state officials
and lay bare concerns and shortcomings regarding the nation’s justice system, particularly in regards to corruption.
Youth and Sports Affairs Minister Andi Mallarangeng, a key figure in Yudhoyono’s Democratic Party, has already
dismissed the significance of the leaked cables, saying that as the government did not know the source of the information
contained in the documents, they did not need to respond.
In one cable sent in November of 2009, Yudhoyono was criticized as failing to quell the growing and soon to be
major crisis involving alleged attempts to bring down the nation’s respected Corruption Eradication Commission
(KPK) in the infamous cicak (gecko) versus buaya (alligator) scandal.
The cable said Yudhoyono, in response to the scandal and another involving the Bank Century case, had only provided
authorities with “vague guidance” for the police and Attorney General’s Office.
“Yudhoyono’s remarks left the public critical of his leadership and provided no clear end to these continuing issues.”
The cable also noted that the “controversies have sidetracked Yudhoyono’s plans to use his first 100 days to develop
an action orientated program for the next years.”
Yudhoyono has previously been forced to deny allegations contained in US diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks
of improper conduct, including that his family had received money from banking and construction tycoon Tomy Winata.
It was also alleged that the president used Indonesian intelligence to spy on his political rivals.
Another batch of released cables savages Indonesia’s corruption-fighting efforts, including “an overly rigid and
dysfunctional relationship between prosecutors and police” that hinders many investigations.
“The two groups rarely work together on investigations; when police hand over a dossier, prosecutors find themselves
often dissatisfied with the results.”
“Interagency law enforcement task forces seen routinely in the US remain rare in Indonesia; police and prosecutors
seldom develop joint, long-term strategies and often miss opportunities to shake up corrupt networks.”
The cables note, however, that the KPK and Interagency Team to Eradicate Corruption had made recent progress
in this area. Additionally, many investigations are hampered at the outset by police, another cable asserted.
Media announcements and leaks made by police alert criminal suspects “giving them time to destroy evidence, develop
alibis, flee the country, or transfer assets abroad.”
Wikileaks back to unlock “secrets” of Indonesia. This time it’s not about abusing power by Yudhoyono, but the
ministers under his rule. Wikileaks opens more secret documents of U.S. Embassy in Jakarta,
which contains about ministers who could potentially become allies of the US.
A coded reference document 09JAKARTA1773 made on October 23, 2009, leaked on website Wikileaks. wikileaks.org write
the title of the document with the “Allies are promising for a comprehensive partnership in the new Indonesian
cabinet.”
According to wikileaks, U.S. ambassador on that moment, Cameron Hume sent a message
to Washington about the composition of Indonesia’s United Cabinet chapter II. There are a number of ministers who
could be considered potential allies. In the economic field, there are Sri Mulyani Indrawati,
who was then serving as finance minister and now serving in World Bank.
Minister of Trade Mari Elka Pangestu and Minister of Industry, MS Hidayat, who according
to the U.S. Embassy welcomed the businessmen. Coordinating Minister of economy Hatta Raja mentioned as a strong
ally of Yudhoyono although not considered to have a track record of economic reform.
Dr Endang Rahayu Sedyaningsih elects as Minister of Health welcomed by the United
States. “This is a good sign,” the response to the U.S. Embassy. Endang acknowledged close to USAID. While Minister
of Environment Gusti Hatta M is also marked as ‘a respected academics’.
Minister of Political, Law and Human Rights become a very important field. The U.S. Embassy said the key figures
who have held the Coordinating Minister for Politics Djoko Suyanto who apparently trained
at Nellis Air Force Base. Another one is Minister of Defense Purnomo Yusgiantoro, who has worked with U.S.
in advance to terms of counter-terrorism, energy and others.”
Well, SBY’s most important minister in the eyes of the United States apparently is Marty
Natalegawa. Even the U.S. Embassy Jakarta to ask Washington to give special treatment.
“U.S. Embassy Jakarta asked Clinton to call the new Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, to congratulate him as soon
as possible. The post also recommend, Clinton sent a formal letter to Marty Natalegawa, requested a meeting at
APEC in November to strengthen Natalegawa as associate,” writes the message.
What are the effects of the document that was released by WikiLeaks it?. Not yet clear is, unlike the case of “abusing
power” that was published in the Sydney Morning Herald that reportedly could make first lady Ani Yudhoyono moved
to tears.
Relations between SBY and Obama have not been as the US
would like.
In September 2010 SBY did not attend the Obama sponsored
ASEAN summit in New York with the lame excuse of being too busy.
Unexpectedly and to great surprise Obama reacted by making
an official
announcement (during his speech at the opening of the UN General Assembly) that he would visit Indonesia (twice
postponed) in November.
This time he did not postpone the visit in spite of travel dangers related to
the Merapi vulcanic explosion.
Mr and Mrs Yudhoyono did not meet President and Mrs. Obama
upon
their arrival at the Jakarta airport, a common diplomatic courtesy.
Indonesia is growing as a global power.
The explosive Middle East situation emphasizes the need to have Indonesia as a friendly cooperative
ally.
Publication of the Wikileak cables by Australian newspapers
create the impression that the powers that be feel that it is time to show the Indonesian President where the real
power is and to start undermining his position.
Have they achieved their objective???
As for now it seems additional strain has been added to the already
fragile relations. Let us just wait and see and hope for the best.
Deja Vu,
Think of Bung Karno and his admonishment
"Never Leave History".
Indonesia has lodged a formal protest with the United States government
over corruption allegations against the president released by whistleblower website WikiLeaks.
Susilo Bangbang Yudhoyono won a landslide election victory in 2009 on the back of an anti-corruption campaign.
But US cables released to the Fairfax press by WikiLeaks accuse him of quashing an investigation
into an allegedly corrupt political figure.
They also accuse his wife of seeking to profit from her political connections.
However Indonesia's foreign minister, Marty Natalegawa, says all of the allegations are baseless.
He summoned the US ambassador to lodge a protest and demand an explanation this morning.
The Ambassador would not comment publicly on the leaked cables but praised Mr Yudhoyono's record in office.
Tom Allard, Jakarta
March 15, 2011
Tom Allard, Jakarta
March 15, 2011
A PLANNED telephone conversation
between US President Barack Obama and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
was cancelled because US diplomats reported to Washington
that the Indonesian leader and his family were implicated in corruption.
US President Barack Obama ...
his call to his Indonesian counterpart,
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, was scuttled.
Photo: AFP
The conversation had been arranged before The Age revealed the allegations in the US cables, which were obtained
from WikiLeaks. They have been vehemently denied by Dr Yudhoyono and people cited in the cables as sources.
Mr Obama was to have telephoned Dr Yudhoyono on Friday but ''when the WikiLeaks thing broke, it didn't happen'',
said one source, adding the purpose of the call was to discuss the approaching East Asia Summit in Indonesia.
It is believed the US cancelled the call after discussions with officials from Dr Yudhoyono's palace.
Last night, speaking for the first time about the WikiLeaks cables, Dr Yudhoyono labelled the allegations untrue
and a character assassination. ''Believe me, I am accountable for what I do. I, God willing, will continue to maintain
the integrity because that is my duty as leader of this country,'' he said.
There is little doubt that had the call proceeded, Mr Obama would have followed the example of his Jakarta envoy,
Scot Marciel, and expressed his regret over the allegations.
Dr Yudhoyono's spokesman, Teuku Faizasyah, confirmed the cancelled call but played down its significance. ''The
scheduling for these kinds of calls is always fluid,'' he said.
But US-Indonesian relations have been strained by the cables and their reports Dr Yudhoyono blocked a corruption
probe into political powerbroker Taufik Kiemas, used intelligence services to spy on rivals and received funding
from businessman Tomy Winata through a middleman.
The cables included allegations Dr Yohoyono's wife, Kristiani Herawati, mooted as his possible successor, used
her position ''to profit personally by acting as a broker or facilitator for business ventures''.
An analyst with the political consultancy LSI Burhanudin Muhtadi said Dr Yudhoyono was angry about the cables.
''SBY sees himself as an international darling,'' he said. ''He is very upset that the US embassy in Indonesia
was spying on him and reporting in such an improper and unhappy manner.''
Before the WikiLeaks cables emerged, there were signs US-Indonesia relations were not optimal, despite Mr Obama
having spent four years in Jakarta as a child. He twice postponed visits before spending fewer than 24 hours in
Jakarta in November. He earned plaudits for his positive rhetoric and quips in the Indonesian language, but little
of substance emerged from the visit.
Indonesian cabinet members and influential politicians have alleged ''foreign attacks'' may be behind the WikiLeaks
releases, which coincided with Vice-President Boediono's Australian visit.
The Australian government confirmed it had received feedback from Indonesia. ''Some Indonesians have raised the
WikiLeaks reports informally with Australian officials in Jakarta. Most interest has been around the timing of
the release,'' a Foreign Affairs spokeswoman said
Following Wikileak US cable releases aimed at undermining the integrity of the Indonesian President,
Wall Street Journal, does a follow-up article apparently continuing to try to weaken his image.
Can we expect more similar articles, as continuation of the campaign started by the Australian media??
By Kelley Currie
This was supposed to be Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's year. The Indonesian president can claim credit for both robust
economic growth and his country's higher profile on the international stage. U.S. President Barack Obama's visit
was a success, and Jakarta is now chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for the next year and a member
of the G-20.
However, much of the sense of excitement and possibility about Indonesia's emergence has dissipated lately. Instead
of enjoying what should be a triumphant second term after winning re-election in 2009, President Yudhoyono is mired
in political scandal and parliamentary intrigue.
Rumors that a potential shake-up in the governing coalition could bring Prabowo Subianto into government have caused
alarm among Indonesian moderates. Gen. Prabowo was head of the Indonesian army's special forces unit during the
Suharto era, during which they were implicated in human rights abuses. The image of the popular Mr. Yudhoyono negotiating
with such a figure has his political opponents licking their chops.
Meanwhile, human rights advocates are alarmed by the Yudhoyono government's tepid responses to videotaped evidence
of horrific human rights abuses committed by Indonesian security forces in Papua last year. American policy makers
are also privately grousing about the difficulty of cooperation with their Indonesian counterparts. On issues from
promotion of democracy in Burma to security cooperation, the U.S. has found Indonesian responses disappointing
and the authorities difficult to deal with.
Mr. Yudhoyono also has responded weakly to resurgent Islamists, who seem intent on setting the agenda in the absence
of his leadership. After a gruesome video surfaced in February of three members of the Muslim religious minority
Ahmadiyah sect being attacked during prayers and beaten to death, the president issued a faint condemnation and
call for an investigation, but has done little to protect the group. He finally spoke out after a series of letter
bombs sent to moderate political and religious figures in recent weeks targeted a member of his own party. The
bombs, which police have linked to a splinter group of the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) terrorist organization, seem to
have shaken Mr. Yudhoyono, but whether this will lead to more aggressive political leadership against Indonesia's
Islamists remains an open question.
Rather than a triumphant second term, Mr. Yudhoyono, who has been president since October 2004, seems to be
encountering a phenomenon well known to American politicians: the "seven-year itch." Having experienced
such frequent executive turnover in the post-Suharto period starting in 1998, it is understandable that Indonesians
may not recognize the symptoms.
It's easy for outsiders to forget how unsteady Indonesia's leadership was under the first three presidents of the
reformasi period. Now Indonesia faces a very different problem: a once decisive and overwhelmingly popular elected
leader who has been in office long enough that he's getting bogged down, seemingly unable to make or execute forceful
decisions.
As problems go, this is not the worst. But Indonesians are understandably frustrated. Mr. Yudhoyono himself seems
at a loss as to how to regain his mojo. He is now seen preoccupied with shuffling seats in the legislature and
playing to his voter galleries, including dangerous groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).
Unfortunately, Mr. Yudhoyono's crisis of confidence comes at a time when Indonesia is hitting a tricky passage
in its democratization. Thirteen years after throwing out its dictator, Indonesia is just learning how to build
modern institutions. The political elite, though, tends to regard the process as done and dusted. This thinking
can sometimes give the impression that they are unserious about dealing with the quotidian challenges of managing
a large, still-democratizing country.
A lack of administrative capacity and weak service delivery mean that democracy is not delivering the socioeconomic
improvements for large numbers of poor and rural Indonesians that many had hoped for. Important reforms over the
past decade have boosted democracy and the economy, but also contribute to governance problems. For instance, decentralization
of power has allowed corruption to flourish at lower levels.
The resulting unease about globalization and growing income inequality are creating openings for Indonesia's Islamists.
While the dangers of jihadism in Indonesia are often overblown, serious threats exist, including real links between
political Islamists and their more radicalized co-religionists.
The vigilantism of the FPI, when officially tolerated, creates an environment in which even more radical groups
can expand their bases. Intelligence sources have reported that FPI members, together with members of JI and other
terror groups, were involved in the formation of an al Qaeda in Aceh cell last year.
Mr. Yudhoyono is facing a vicious cycle: The more he is seen getting his hands dirty with retail politics and legislative
horse-trading, the further he diminishes his brand as a clean and forceful leader. That in turn only reduces his
political effectiveness.
To regain momentum in the final years of his presidency, Mr. Yudhoyono should draw lessons from successful two-term
American presidents. He needs to delegate more of the nitty-gritty of politics to trusted deputies, and devote
his effort to public leadership on over-arching policy responses that address Indonesia's domestic economic, social
and security issues in ways that reinforce liberalizing trends.
In the Indonesian context, this means several things. First and foremost, the administration must take forceful
action against Islamist antics that threaten to undermine democratic institutions and ideals. Indonesians are demanding
a serious and sustained initiative to attack corruption and abuses of power. Economic policy should emphasize open
markets, entrepreneurship and diversification.
Indonesians voted for Mr. Yudhoyono because they wanted a leader who could take their democracy to the next level.
He has three years left, which is enough time to make an indelible mark on Indonesia and put the country on a positive
trajectory, but only if he has the requisite political will to forge ahead.
Ms. Currie is a senior fellow with the Project 2049 Institute, a Washington-based think tank.
A group of Indonesians has filed a billion-dollar lawsuit against the US embassy in Jakarta and two Australian
newspapers over articles based on leaked American cables accusing the country's president of abuse of power.
The group, called the State-Owned Enterprises Labour Union, said Fairfax papers The Age and the Sydney Morning
Herald failed to provide adequate checks and balances before running the stories on Friday.
"We have filed a defamation suit to the Central Jakarta district court against the newspaper companies today
as the allegations have ruined our national pride," the group's lawyer Habiburokhman told AFP on Tuesday.
"They have tarnished the good name of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and gave the image that Indonesia
is a corrupt country."
The group says it is unhappy about The Age article headlined "Yudhoyono `abused power'", alleging it
accuses the president of behaving inappropriately
The US cables - leaked exclusively to Fairfax Media and published on Friday in the Herald and The Age - allegedly
accused Yuhoyono of trying to influence judges and prosecutors to protect his corrupt political allies.
The published cables also said he used the country's intelligence service to spy on his rivals and that his family
were trying to use his political connections for their own financial gains.
"The cables did not say Yudhoyono had abused power so their headline was misleading. They cooked up their
own story to make our president look bad," Habiburokhman said.
Analysts say the group's move is a knee-jerk reaction with little chance of success.
"This is just a form of emotional reaction from the people which is likely to lead nowhere," political
analyst Yunarto Wijaya said.
Yudhoyono on Monday said he had been subjected to "character assassination" over the leaked cables.
"I don't want to be too reactive and emotional," he told reporters on the sidelines of an international
judicial conference in the west Java town ofBogor.
"I will use my rights to get justice in a democratic manner. Later on, we'll surely know who is democratic
and who isn't."
The US ambassador to Indonesia on Friday expressed regret that the cables - apparently written by his predecessor
- had found their way to the public but
could comment little on their contents.
On Tuesday, dozens of protesters gathered in front of the US embassy in Jakarta demanding Washington apologise
over the leaked cables, the Detikcom news
website reported.
"The US government must apologise over the leaked diplomatic cables that have no quality and have hurt the
feelings of Indonesians," protest co-ordinator Ahmad Suhaimi was quoted as saying.
Indonesia scored 2.8 out of 10 in Transparency International's annual Corruption Perceptions
Index for 2010,
ranking it 110th out of 178 countries.
JAKARTA, Indonesia - Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is describing as character assassination
leaked U.S. diplomatic cables reportedly accusing him of bribery, intimidation and self-enrichment. Yudhoyono was
responding Monday to recent reports by Australian newspapers The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age based on U.S.
diplomatic cables and obtained by WikiLeaks.
He told a Cabinet meeting in the West Java town of Bogor that he would use his right to obtain justice through
democratic means. He did not elaborate. U.S. Ambassador Scot Marciel last week expressed regret that the cables
from the embassy in Jakarta found their way to...
Herald Tribune 2011-03-14
Indonesia has lodged a formal protest with the United States government over corruption
allegations against the president released by whistleblower website WikiLeaks.
Susilo Bangbang Yudhoyono won a landslide election victory in 2009 on the back of an anti-corruption campaign.
But US cables released to the Fairfax press by WikiLeaks accuse him of quashing an investigation
into an allegedly corrupt political figure.
They also accuse his wife of seeking to profit from her political connections.
However Indonesia's foreign minister, Marty Natalegawa, says all of the allegations are baseless.
He summoned the US ambassador to lodge a protest and demand an explanation this morning.
The Ambassador would not comment publicly on the leaked cables but praised Mr Yudhoyono's record in office.
Tom Allard, Jakarta
March 15, 2011
Tom Allard, Jakarta
March 15, 2011
A PLANNED telephone conversation between US President Barack Obama and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was cancelled
because US diplomats reported to Washington that the Indonesian leader and his family were implicated in corruption.
The conversation had been arranged before The Age revealed the allegations in the US cables, which were obtained
from WikiLeaks. They have been vehemently denied by Dr Yudhoyono and people cited in the cables as sources.
Mr Obama was to have telephoned Dr Yudhoyono on Friday but ''when the WikiLeaks thing broke, it didn't happen'',
said one source, adding the purpose of the call was to discuss the approaching East Asia Summit in Indonesia.
It is believed the US cancelled the call after discussions with officials from Dr Yudhoyono's palace.
Last night, speaking for the first time about the WikiLeaks cables, Dr Yudhoyono labelled the allegations untrue
and a character assassination. ''Believe me, I am accountable for what I do. I, God willing, will continue to maintain
the integrity because that is my duty as leader of this country,'' he said.
There is little doubt that had the call proceeded, Mr Obama would have followed the example of his Jakarta envoy,
Scot Marciel, and expressed his regret over the allegations.
Dr Yudhoyono's spokesman, Teuku Faizasyah, confirmed the cancelled call but played down its significance. ''The
scheduling for these kinds of calls is always fluid,'' he said.
But US-Indonesian relations have been strained by the cables and their reports Dr Yudhoyono blocked a corruption
probe into political powerbroker Taufik Kiemas, used intelligence services to spy on rivals and received funding
from businessman Tomy Winata through a middleman.
The cables included allegations Dr Yohoyono's wife, Kristiani Herawati, mooted as his possible successor, used
her position ''to profit personally by acting as a broker or facilitator for business ventures''.
An analyst with the political consultancy LSI Burhanudin Muhtadi said Dr Yudhoyono was angry about the cables.
''SBY sees himself as an international darling,'' he said. ''He is very upset that the US embassy in Indonesia
was spying on him and reporting in such an improper and unhappy manner.''
Before the WikiLeaks cables emerged, there were signs US-Indonesia relations were not optimal, despite Mr Obama
having spent four years in Jakarta as a child. He twice postponed visits before spending fewer than 24 hours in
Jakarta in November. He earned plaudits for his positive rhetoric and quips in the Indonesian language, but little
of substance emerged from the visit.
Indonesian cabinet members and influential politicians have alleged ''foreign attacks'' may be behind the WikiLeaks
releases, which coincided with Vice-President Boediono's Australian visit.
The Australian government confirmed it had received feedback from Indonesia. ''Some Indonesians have raised the
WikiLeaks reports informally with Australian officials in Jakarta. Most interest has been around the timing of
the release,'' a Foreign Affairs spokeswoman said
Written by Our Correspondent
Friday, 11 March 2011
ImageYudhoyono spokesmen, others, denounce questions over SBY’s integrity, summon US ambassador
The Indonesian government has launched a furious, multi-pronged response to stories emanating from leaked US diplomatic
cables purporting to call into question the integrity of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his wife, Kristiani.
A recount of the cables, provided by the WikiLeaks organization, was published Friday in Asia Sentinel and The
Age in Melbourne.
Despite the denials, much of what the cables allege has been circulating on the rumor mill in Jakarta for months
as Yudhoyono has increasingly lost his gloss as a reformer. Although, as the story points out, the WikiLeaks cables
are "ambiguous" about whether Yudhoyono himself is corrupt.
Teuku Faizasyah, the palace presidential staff member for international relations, told reporters "The fact
is that the diplomatic cables were only raw data taken from shoddy meetings and sources. The information was raw,
it was only rumors and twisted facts."
Another Yudhoyono spokesman, Denny Indriyana, said that "What Wikileaks wrote was a result of chitchat from
US Embassy wires and not intelligent data. It's sexy for news but that's all. The Age wrote their story without
investigation and based the story entirely on Wikileaks."
Coordinating Law and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto told reporters in Jakarta that Foreign Minister Marty
Natalegawa would summon Scot Marciel, the US Ambassador to Indonesia, "to express Indonesia's strong protest
against the diplomatic reports that were obtained through WikiLeaks," and would demand that Marciel make a
public statement regarding the case.
For its part, the embassy issued a statement on its website saying that "as the Secretary of State has said,
the United States deeply regrets the disclosure of any information that was intended to be confidential, including
private discussions between counterparts or our diplomats’ personal assessments and observations. Our official
foreign policy is not set through these messages, but in Washington. Our policy is a matter of public record, as
reflected in our statements and our actions around the world."
The US response called the Wikileaks publication "extremely irresponsible and we express our deepest regrets
to President Yudhoyono and the Indonesian people." It went on call Yudhoyono a "very strong partner..Indonesia’s
first directly elected president, and a leader who has guided Indonesia through its journey into democracy."
The statement added that "Indonesia and the United States are bound together by a web of historical, cultural,
and economic ties that span the Pacific and by our shared values and aspirations, and our partnership is one of
equals, grounded in mutual interests and mutual respect."
Meanwhile, Indonesian Vice President Boediono, on a working visit to Canberra, met with Indonesian journalists
to deliver a statement saying that "The accuracy of the information taken from WikiLeaks about President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono which also appeared in some media must be questioned. The sources were unconfirmed and unverified
raw notes from diplomatic cables. I have complete confidence in the personal integrity and credibility of my President.
President SBY and I share the same conviction to develop our nation and its people through continuing our commitment
to reforms, eliminating corruption, and ensuring good governance."
In Djoko Suyanto’s text to reporters, he said that the President and First Lady Kristiani Yudhoyono denied the
accusations, and said they did not commit corruption or abuse their power. "Let alone influence the judicial
process. That’s not true."
A handout photo released by the Indonesian Foreign Ministry showing Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, right,
speaking during a press conference in Jakarta on Friday as United States Ambassador Scot Marciel looks on. Marty
denied allegations of 'abuse of power' involving President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono contained in leaked US diplomatic
cables. (AFP Photo)
The United States Embassy in Jakarta has refused to comment on the explosive revelations made by embassy sources
about President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and published in Australian daily The Age.
Ambassador Scot Marciel said in a statement on Friday, issued after his meeting in the morning with Foreign Minister
Marty Natalegawa, that the US Department of State did not comment on specific material, including classified documents,
that had been leaked.
He also characterized the embassy’s field reporting to Washington as “candid and often raw information. It is preliminary,
often incomplete and unsubstantiated.”
Marciel went on to say that the information provided “is not an expression of policy, nor does it always shape
final policy decisions. These documents should not be seen as having standing on their own or as representing US
policy.”
“This type of publication is extremely irresponsible and we express our deepest regrets to President Yudhoyono
and the Indonesian people,” he said.
In a similar statement issued later on Friday, the US Embassy said the United States “deeply regrets the disclosure
of any information that was intended to be confidential, including private discussions between counterparts or
our diplomats’ personal assessments and observations.”
“Our official foreign policy is not set through these messages, but in Washington. Our policy is a matter of public
record, as reflected in our statements and our actions around the world,” it said. “Any unauthorized disclosure
of classified information by Wikileaks has harmful implications for the lives of identified individuals that are
jeopardized, but also for global engagement among and between nations.”
The statement also said Washington was fortunate to have a very strong partner in Yudhoyono.
Marty told reporters later on Friday that the contents of the US Embassy cables were based on talks held over dinner
tables and at receptions.
“They gathered information, views, hearsay and they reported what they heard to Washington,” he said, adding that
the Indonesian government would continue to monitor future WikiLeaks reports.
“If this was something substantial, for example they mentioned the state’s view [on something] as A while it is
actually B, we would have to ... respond to it because it was not true.
INDONESIA demanded, and received, an expression of regret from the US ambassador in Jakarta yesterday as President
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono emphatically denied allegations in US diplomatic cables that he and his family were implicated
in corruption.
The allegations, revealed in The Age yesterday and based on cables obtained by WikiLeaks, created a media storm
in Indonesia as the country's foreign minister, Marty Natalegawa, hauled in US ambassador Scot Marciel to formally
lodge a ''strong protest''.
At an extraordinary and, at times, awkward press conference after the meeting, Mr Marciel declined to confirm or
deny the veracity of the cables or comment on the specific allegations they contained.
But he said, generally speaking, such cables contained ''candid and often raw information'' that was ''often incomplete
and unsubstantiated''.
''We express our deepest regrets to President Yudhoyono and to the Indonesian people,'' he said, adding that
the publication of the cables was ''extremely irresponsible''.
Mr Marciel abruptly left the press conference shortly afterwards, leaving Mr Natalegawa to answer questions alone.
Dr Yudhoyono, meanwhile, said The Age had breached the ''universal journalism code of ethics'' by publishing details
of the cables without asking him for comment beforehand. ''The President is absolutely not happy with the false
coverage, full of lies, run in The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age,'' according to a statement ''sent on behalf
of the President'' by his senior spokesman, Daniel Sparingga. ''The content is full of sensation and disrespect,
full of nonsense.''
The cables from the US embassy in Jakarta, sent between 2004 and 2010, contained a series of startling but unverified
allegations about the conduct of Dr Yudhoyono, his wife and family. Among the allegations were that Dr Yudhoyono
ordered a corruption investigation into political powerbroker Taufik Kiemas be dropped and that he received funds
from controversial businessman Tomy Winata via a middleman.
SECRET US diplomatic cables have implicated Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in substantial corruption
and abuse of power, puncturing his reputation as a political cleanskin and reformer.
The cables say Mr Yudhoyono has personally intervened to influence prosecutors and judges to protect corrupt political
figures and pressure his adversaries, while using the Indonesian intelligence service to spy on political rivals
and, at least once, a senior minister in his own government.
They also detail how Mr Yudhoyono's former vice-president reportedly paid millions of dollars to buy control of
Indonesia's largest political party, and accuse the President's wife and her family of seeking to enrich themselves
through their political connections.
The revelations come as Indonesian Vice-President Boediono visits Canberra today for talks with acting Prime Minister
Wayne Swan and discussions with officials on administrative change to reform Indonesia's corrupt bureaucracy.
The US diplomatic reports — obtained by WikiLeaks and provided exclusively to The Age — say that soon after becoming
President in 2004, Mr Yudhoyono intervened in the case of Taufik Kiemas, the husband of former president Megawati
Sukarnoputri.
Mr Taufik reportedly had used his continuing control of his wife's Indonesian Democratic Party, then the second
largest party in Indonesia's Parliament, to broker protection from prosecution for what the US diplomats described
as "legendary corruption during his wife's tenure".
In December 2004, the US embassy in Jakarta reported that one of its most valued political informants, senior presidential
adviser T.B. Silalahi, had advised that then assistant attorney-general Hendarman Supandji, who was leading the
new government's anti-corruption campaign, had gathered "sufficient evidence of the corruption of former first
gentleman Taufik Kiemas to warrant Taufik's arrest".
But Mr Silalhi, one of Mr Yudhoyono's closest political confidants, told the US embassy the President "had
personally instructed Hendarman not to pursue a case against Taufik".
No legal proceedings were brought against Mr Taufik, an influential political figure who now serves as speaker
of the People's Consultative Assembly, a largely ceremonial body representing members of parliament.
The US embassy also reported that then vice-president Jusuf Kalla allegedly paid "enormous bribes" to
win the chairmanship of Golkar, Indonesia's largest party, during a December 2004 party congress.
The President's wife and relatives feature prominently in the US embassy's political reporting, with American diplomats
highlighting efforts of the President's family "particularly first lady Kristiani Herawati . . . to profit
financially from its political position". As early as 2006 the embassy commented to Washington that "first
lady Kristiani Herawati is increasingly seeking to profit personally by acting as a broker or facilitator for business
ventures . . . Numerous contacts also tell us that Kristiani's family members have begun establishing companies
in order to commercialise their family's influence."
Highlighting the first lady's behind-the-scenes-influence, the embassy described her as "a cabinet of one"
and "the President's undisputed top adviser".
Other leaked cables indicate Mr Yudhoyono has used the Indonesian State Intelligence Agency (BIN) to spy on his
political allies and opponents.
According to a senior Indonesian intelligence officer, Mr Yudhoyono directed BIN chief Syamsir Siregar to instruct
his officers to conduct surveillance on one of the most senior cabinet ministers, State Secretary Yusril Mahendra,
while he made a secret trip to Singapore to meet Chinese businessmen.
The President also reportedly tasked BIN to spy on rival presidential candidates. Mr Silalah told US diplomats
Mr Yudhoyono "shared the most sensitive BIN reporting on political matters only with himself and Cabinet Secretary
Sudi Silalahi".
Although Mr Yudhoyono won a big victory in the 2009 election, US envoys quickly concluded he was running out of
political puff. After political controversies through late 2009 and into last year led to his popularity taking
a sharp fall, the embassy said the President was increasingly "paralysed". "Unwilling to risk alienating
segments of the Parliament, media, bureaucracy and civil society, Yudhoyono has slowed reforms," it said.
THE United States has blackballed one of Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's closest advisers for alleged
involvement in East Timor war crimes, according to leaked US diplomatic cables.
But Washington kept secret the reasons for denying a visa to former Indonesian army general Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin,
and President Yudhoyono subsequently appointed his friend deputy defence minister.
In September 2009, the US withheld the issue of a visa that would allow Mr Sjamsoeddin, a former army general then
serving as a senior presidential adviser, to accompany President Yudhoyono, who was about to attend the G20 leaders
summit in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Mr Sjamsoeddin was subject to a US Department of Homeland Security recommendation
that he be denied entry owing to suspected involvement in "terror activities" and "extrajudicial
killings''.
The US embassy cables leaked to WikiLeaks, and provided exclusively to The Saturday Age, show that the US embassy
in Jakarta urged that Mr Sjamsoeddin still be allowed entry, lest the issue become an "irritant" in relations
between Jakarta and Washington.
"We note that as a key adviser to the Indonesian President and possible cabinet appointee, Sjamsoeddin's
travel to the United States would facilitate and strengthen US-Indonesian ties,'' the Jakarta embassy argued. "Sjamsoeddin
provides guidance and counsel to President Yudhoyono on a number of issues of importance to the US, such as
mil[itary]-to-mil[itary] ties, which are a cornerstone of our efforts to ensure regional stability."
The allegations against Mr Sjamsoeddin included that, while serving as an Indonesian special forces commander in
East Timor, he was responsible for directing the Santa Cruz massacre that claimed the lives of more than 250 East
Timorese pro-independence demonstrators on November 12, 1991.
It was also alleged that Mr Sjamsoeddin was responsible for widespread violence committed by Indonesian troops
in Dili after East Timor's August 30, 1999, independence ballot.
Mr Sjamsoeddin submitted a statement to the US embassy seeking to rebut the allegations, claiming that he had not
been at the Santa Cruz massacre but had been rescuing ''journalists from Timorese [Indonesian army] officials who
were angered that the journalists had accused them of being involved in clandestine activities''. Mr Sjamsoeddin
also claimed he had been cleared by Indonesia's National Human Rights Commission for any wrongdoing in relation
to the violence that swept Dili in September 1999.
Mr Sjamsoeddin's denials were accepted by the US embassy in Jakarta, which argued that "circumstantial
evidence" linking Mr Sjamsoeddin to human rights violations was insufficient to deny him a visa. But this
advice drew a sharp critique from the US embassy in Dili, which drew on United Nations and East Timorese human
rights investigations to argue that Mr Sjamsoeddin repeatedly had command responsibility for Indonesian troops
that committed atrocities.
The US embassy in Dili concluded that "Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin held senior positions of command responsibility
in both 1991 and 1999, moments when atrocities undeniably occurred, and strongly indicate his personal culpability''.
The Department of State does not comment on materials, including classified documents, which may have been leaked.
However, as the Secretary of State has said, the United States deeply regrets the disclosure of any information
that was intended to be confidential, including private discussions between counterparts or our diplomats’ personal
assessments and observations. Our official foreign policy is not set through these messages, but in Washington.
Our policy is a matter of public record, as reflected in our statements and our actions around the world.
Any unauthorized disclosure of classified information by Wikileaks has harmful implications for the lives of identified
individuals that are jeopardized, but also for global engagement among and between nations. Given its potential
impact, we condemn such unauthorized disclosures and are taking every step to prevent future security breaches.
While we cannot speak to the authenticity of any documents provided to the press, we can speak to the diplomatic
community’s practice of cable writing. By its very nature, field reporting to Washington is candid and often raw
information. It is preliminary, often incomplete and unsubstantiated. It is not an expression of policy, nor does
it always shape final policy decisions. These documents should not be seen as having standing on their own or as
representing U.S. policy.
This type of publication is extremely irresponsible and we express our deepest regrets to President Yudhoyono and
the Indonesian people.
As President Obama has noted, the United States is fortunate to have a very strong partner in President Yudhoyono,
Indonesia’s first directly elected president, and a leader who has guided Indonesia through its journey into democracy.
President Yudhoyono’s leadership has been vital to promoting prosperity, expanding partnerships between our people,
and deepening political and security cooperation.
As the President said in Jakarta during his visit in November 2010 to jointly launch with President Yudhoyono the
Comprehensive Partnership, Indonesia and the United States are bound together by a web of historical, cultural,
and economic ties that span the Pacific and by our shared values and aspirations, and our partnership is one of
equals, grounded in mutual interests and mutual respect.
JAKARTA, March 11 (Bernama) -- The United States Secretary of State has said the United States deeply regrets
the disclosure of any information that was intended to be confidential, "including private discussions between
counterparts
or our diplomats personal assessments and observations", Indonesia''s Antara news agency reported.
The US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, passed on her statement to the US ambassador to Indonesia, Scot Marciel,
according to a press release from the US Embassy in Jakarta, Friday,
Hillary Clinton also said that the Department of State does not comment on materials, including classified documents,
which may have been leaked.
According to the release, the US official foreign policy is not set through these messages, but in Washington.
"Our official foreign policy is not set through these messages, but in Washington. Our policy is a matter
of public record, as reflected in our statements and our actions around the world," said Marciel.
Further, Marciel said that any unauthorised disclosure of classified information by Wikileaks has harmful implications
for the lives of identified individuals that are jeopardised, but also for global engagement among and between
nations.
"Given its potential impact, we condemn such unauthorized disclosures and are taking every step to prevent
future security breaches," he said.
"While we cannot speak to the authenticity of any documents provided to the press, we can speak to the diplomatic
community`s practice of cable writing. By its very nature, field reporting to Washington is candid and often raw
information," he said.
Ambassador Marciel also said that it is preliminary, often incomplete and unsubstantiated. It is not an expression
of policy, nor does it always shape final policy decisions. These documents should not be seen as having standing
on their own or as representing US policy.
"This type of publication is extremely irresponsible and we express our deepest regrets to President Yudhoyono
and the Indonesian people," Marciel said.
As President Obama has noted, the United States is fortunate to have a very strong partner in Indonesian President
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesia`s first directly elected president, and a leader who has guided Indonesia through
its journey into democracy, he added.
According to Marciel, Susilo`s leadership has been vital to promoting prosperity, expanding partnerships between
the two nations` peoples, and deepening political and security cooperation.
"As the US President Barack Obama said in Jakarta during his visit in November 2010 to jointly launch with
President Susilo Yudhoyono the Comprehensive Partnership, Indonesia and the United States are bound together by
a web of historical, cultural, and economic ties that span the Pacific and by our shared values and aspirations,
and our partnership is one of equals, grounded in mutual interests and mutual respect," he stated.
INDONESIA has protested strongly to Washington over Australian news reports, based on WikiLeaks out of the US Jakarta
embassy, accusing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of abuses of power and implicating him in corrupt behaviour.
Called into the Foreign Ministry yesterday morning, US ambassador Scott Marciel expressed "our deepest regrets
to President Yudhoyono and to the Indonesian people".
Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa blasted the reports, carried yesterday by The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald,
as "completely without foundation" against an administration that had focused on good governance and
combating corruption.
"That is why what is being reported is especially galling, not only to President Yudhoyono and his family,
but most of all to the Indonesian nation itself." Mr Natalegawa said the administration would demand a right
of reply from the newspapers.
The reports, based on confidential cables out of the US embassy in Jakarta and obtained by the newspapers under
a deal with WikiLeaks' Julian Assange, were published as Indonesia's Vice-President Boediono was about to meet
Acting Prime Minister Wayne Swan in Canberra.
The cables, according to the reports, have Dr Yudhoyono intervening to stop a graft case against Taufik Kiemas,
influential husband of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri and suspected of financial links to tycoon Tomy Winata
and other Chinese-Indonesian businessmen.
The response of the President, who made no comment yesterday, was "very rational, not emotional", Mr
Natalegawa said.
But State Secretary Sudi Silalahi said First Lady Kristiani Herawati Yudhoyono cried upon reading the stories,
in which she is depicted by a 2006 embassy cable as "increasingly seeking to profit personally" from
the presidency.
The reports are likely to hit Dr Yudhoyono's administration hard, and not only because his has been the most Washington-friendly
Jakarta government in the democratic post-Suharto era.
The President's reputation for honesty is a huge political asset for an administration that, especially since his
re-election in July 2009 for a second five years, has come across as vacillating and, at cabinet level, under-talented.
Dr Yudhoyono and presidential officials have been hesitating about whether and how to reshuffle cabinet and eject
troublesome parties from the coalition.
There is further damage in that the cables name two informants conveying damaging information to the embassy as
senior presidential adviser T.B. Silalahi and Co-ordinating Minister for People's Welfare Agung Laksono.
Written by Philip Dorling
Friday, 11 March 2011
US embassy in Jakarta has serious doubts about the Indonesian president's own integrity
When Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono won a surprise victory in Indonesia's 2004 presidential elections, the United States
Embassy in Jakarta hailed it as "a remarkable triumph of a popular, articulate figure against a rival [incumbent
president Megawati Sukarnoputri] with more power, money, and connections."
The former army general and security minister has gone on to win international accolades for strengthening governance,
promoting economic reform, and his efforts to suppress the Islamic militant group Jemaah Islamiyah.
While visiting Jakarta last November, US President Barack Obama applauded Indonesia's democracy and "the leadership
of my good friend President Yudhoyono."
However Yudhoyono's record may have to be reviewed after secret US embassy cables, leaked to WikiLeaks and provided
to Fairfax Media, reveal allegations of corruption and abuse of power that extend all the way to the presidential
palace.
According to the diplomatic cables, Yudhoyono, widely known by his initials SBY, personally intervened to influence
prosecutors and judges to protect corrupt political figures and put pressure on his adversaries. He reportedly
also used the Indonesian intelligence service to spy on rivals and, on at least one occasion, a senior minister
in his own government.
Yudhoyono's former vice-president reportedly paid out millions of dollars to buy control of Indonesia's largest
political party, while the President's wife and her family have allegedly moved to enrich themselves on the basis
of their political connections.
The US embassy's political reporting, much of it classified "Secret/NoForn" – meaning for American eyes
only — makes clear that the continuing influence of money politics, which extends, despite the President's public
commitment to combating corruption, to Yudhoyono himself.
The US embassy cables reveal that one of Yudhoyono's early presidential actions was to personally intervene in
the case of Taufik Kiemas, the husband of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri. Taufik reportedly used his continuing
control of his wife's Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI-P) to broker protection from prosecution for what the US
diplomats described as "legendary corruption during his wife's tenure."
Taufik has been publicly accused, though without charges being laid against him, of improper dealings in massive
infrastructure projects heavily tainted with corruption. He is believed to have profited from deals relating to
the US$2.3billion Jakarta Outer Ring Road project, the US$2.4 billion double-track railway project from Merak in
West Java to Banyuwangi in East Java, the US$2.3billion trans-Kalimantan highway, and the US$1.7 billion trans-Papua
highway.
In December 2004, the US embassy in Jakarta reported to Washington that one of its most valued political informants,
senior presidential adviser TB Silalahi, had advised that Indonesia's Assistant Attorney-General, Hendarman Supandji,
who was then leading the new government's anti-corruption campaign, had gathered "sufficient evidence of the
corruption of former first gentleman Taufik Kiemas to warrant Taufik's arrest."
However, Silalahi, one of Yudhoyono's closest political confidants, told the US embassy that the president "had
personally instructed Hendarman not to pursue a case against Taufik."
No legal proceedings were brought against the former "first gentleman," who remains an influential political
figure and is now speaker of Indonesia's parliament, the People's Consultative Assembly.
While Yudhoyono protected Taufik from prosecution, his then vice-president, Jusuf Kalla, allegedly paid what the
US embassy described as "enormous bribes" to win the chairmanship of Golkar, Indonesia's largest political
party, during a December 2004 party congress, US diplomats observed firsthand.
"According to multiple sources close to the major candidates, Kalla's team offered district boards at least
Rp200 million (over US$22,000) for their votes," the US embassy reported. "Provincial boards — which
had the same voting right, but also could influence subordinate district boards — received Rp500 million or more.
According to one contact with prior experience in such matters, board officials received down payments ...and would
expect full payment from the winner, in cash, within hours of the vote."
US diplomats reported that, with 243 votes required to win a majority, the Golkar chairmanship would have cost
more than US$6 million.
"One contact claimed that [then Indonesian House of Representatives chairman Agung Laksono] alone — not the
wealthiest of Kalla's backers — had allocated (if not actually spent) Rp50 billion (more than US$5.5 million )
on the event." The US embassy cables further allege that Yudhoyono had then cabinet secretary Sudi Silalahi
"intimidate" at least one judge in a 2006 court case arising from a fight for control of former president
Abdurahman Wahid's National Awakening Party (PKB). According to the embassy's contacts, Sudi told the judge "if
the court were to help [Wahid] it would be like helping to overthrow the government."
The intervention of "SBY's right-hand man" was not successful in a direct sense because, according to
embassy sources with close ties to the PKB and lawyers involved in the case, Wahid's supporters paid the judges
Rp3 billion in bribes for a verdict that awarded control of PKB to Wahid instead of a dissident faction. However,
Yudhoyono's strategic objective was achieved as external pressure on Wahid's "precarious position" forced
the PKB to reposition itself to support the administration.
Other US embassy reports indicate that Yudhoyono has used the Indonesian State Intelligence Agency (BIN) to spy
on
both his political allies and opponents.
The president reportedly also got BIN to spy on rival presidential candidates. This practice appears to have begun
while Yudhoyono was serving as co-ordinating minister of political and security affairs in former president Megawati's
government. He directed the intelligence service to report on former army commander and Golkar presidential candidate
Wiranto. Subsequently, at a meeting of Yudhoyono's cabinet, BIN chief Syamsir characterised Wiranto as a "terrorist
mastermind."
Through his own military contacts Wiranto learnt that he was the subject of "derogatory" BIN reports,
but when he complained he was told by presidential adviser TB Silalahi that no such reports existed.
The leaked US embassy cables are ambiguous on the question of whether Yudhoyono has been personally engaged
in corruption. However, US diplomats reported that at a 2006 meeting with the chairman of his own Democratic Party,
Yudhoyono "bemoaned his own failure to date to establish himself in business matters," apparently feeling
"he needed to ‘catch up' ... [and] wanted to ensure he left a sizeable legacy for his children."
In the course of investigating the President's private, political and business interests, American diplomats noted
alleged links between Yudhoyono and Chinese-Indonesian businessmen, most notably Tomy Winata, an alleged underworld
figure and member of the "Gang of Nine" or "Nine Dragons," a leading gambling syndicate.
In 2006, Agung Laksono, now Yudhoyono's Co-ordinating Minister for People's Welfare, told US embassy officers that
TB Silalahi "functioned as a middleman, relaying funds from Winata to Yudhoyono, protecting the president
from the potential liabilities that could arise if Yudhoyono were to deal with Tomy directly."
Tomy Winata reportedly also used prominent entrepreneur Muhammad Lutfi as a channel of funding to Yudhoyono. Yudhoyono
appointed Lutfi chairman of Indonesia's Investment Co-ordinating Board.
Senior State Intelligence Agency official Yahya Asagaf also told the US embassy Tomy Winata was trying to cultivate
influence by using a senior presidential aide as his channel to first lady Kristiani Herawati.
Yudhoyono's wife and relatives also feature prominently in the US embassy's political reporting, with American
diplomats highlighting the efforts of the president's family "particularly first lady Kristiani Herawati ...to
profit financially from its political position."
In June 2006, one presidential staff member told US embassy officers Kristiani's family members were "specifically
targeting financial opportunities related to state-owned enterprises." The well-connected staffer portrayed
the President as "witting of these efforts, which his closest operators (e.g. Sudi Silalahi) would advance,
while Yudhoyono himself maintained sufficient distance that he could not be implicated."
Such is the first lady's behind-the-scenes influence that the US embassy described her as "a cabinet of one"
and "the President's undisputed top adviser."
The embassy reported: "As presidential adviser TB Silalahi told [US political officers], members of the
President's staff increasingly feel marginalised and powerless to provide counsel to the President."
Yahya Asagaf at the State Intelligence Agency privately declared the first lady's opinion to be "the only
one that matters."
Significantly, the US embassy's contacts identified Kristiani as the primary influence behind Yudhoyono's decision
to drop vice-president Kalla as his running mate in the 2009 presidential elections.
With Bank of Indonesia governor Boediono as his new vice-presidential running mate, Yudhoyono went on to an overwhelming
victory. The president secured more than 60 per cent of the vote, defeating both former president Megawati, who
had teamed up with former special forces commander Prabowo Subianto, and vice-president Kalla, who allied himself
with Wiranto.
In January 2010 the US embassy observed: "Ten years of political and economic reform have made Indonesia democratic,
stable, and increasingly confident about its leadership role in south-east Asia and the Muslim world. Indonesia
has held successful, free and fair elections; has weathered the global financial crisis; and is tackling internal
security threats."
However, America's diplomats also noted that a series of political scandals through late 2009 and into 2010 had
seriously damaged Yudhoyono's political standing.
A protracted conflict between the Indonesian police and the national Corruption Eradication Commission had damaged
the government's public anti-corruption credentials, while a parliamentary inquiry into the massive bailout of
a major financial institution, Bank Century, called into question the Vice-President's performance as former central
bank governor.
One prominent anti-corruption non-government organization privately told the US embassy that it had "credible"
information that funds from Bank Century had been used for financing Yudhoyono's re-election campaign.
Former vice-president Kalla strongly criticized the bailout, alleging that the Bank of Indonesia under Boediono
had been negligent in supervising Bank Century and arguing that the bank should have been closed as its failure
was due to fraud perpetrated by major shareholders.
Against this background the US embassy reported that Yudhoyono was increasingly "paralyzed" as his
political popularity rapidly diminished.
"Unwilling to risk alienating segments of the parliament, media, bureaucracy and civil society, Yudhoyono
has slowed reforms. He is also unwilling to cross any constituencies ...Until he is satisfied that he has shored
up his political position, Yudhoyono is unlikely to spend any political capital to move his reform agenda, or controversial
aspects of US -Indonesia relations, forward."
Over the past 13 years Indonesian democracy has undoubtedly strengthened. The Suharto dictatorship has been replaced
by a competitive political system characterized by robust debate and free media.
However, as the leaked US embassy's reports show, in what is only a glimpse of the inside workings of President
Yudhoyono's tenure, some of the secretive and corrupt habits of the Suharto years still linger in Indonesian presidential
politics.
Another version of this story appeared in The Age in Melbourne, Australia.
INDONESIA threatened to derail a visit to Jakarta by President Barack Obama earlier this year unless he overturned
the US ban on training the controversial Kopassus army special forces.
Leaked US State Department cables reveal that Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono privately told the
US that continuing the ban - introduced in 1999 because of Kopassus's appalling human rights record, including
killings in East Timor and West Papua - was the ''litmus test of the bilateral relationship'' between the US and
Indonesia.
Six months later, the US agreed to resume ties with Kopassus, despite fierce criticism from some human rights groups
and American politicians about Jakarta's failure to hold officers to account for their role in atrocities.
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The cables, released by WikiLeaks exclusively to The Age, detail US concerns about Indonesia's failure to prosecute
the military personnel responsible for murder and torture during the conflicts in East Timor and Aceh.
But they also reveal that US diplomats in Jakarta believed that Mr Yudhoyono's demands should be met to ensure
that Indonesia's military and security services would protect American interests in the region, including co-operation
in the war on terror. It was also argued that closer military ties would encourage further reform of Indonesia's
military.
The Indonesian leader's call to lift the Kopassus training ban is described in a January cable from the US embassy
in Jakarta.
''President Yudhoyono (SBY) and other senior Indonesian officials have made it clear to us that SBY views the issue
of Army Special Forces (KOPASSUS) training as a litmus test of the bilateral relationship and that he believes
the … visit of President Obama will not be successful unless this issue is resolved in advance of the visit,''
the cable says.
US Defence Secretary Robert Gates said in July that the US needed to renew links with Kopassus ''as a result of
Indonesian military reforms over the past decade, the ongoing professionalisation of the TNI, and recent actions
taken by the Ministry of Defence to address human rights issues''.
An Australian expert on the Indonesian military, Australian Defence Force Academy associate professor Clinton Fernandes,
said yesterday the cables appeared to show that members of Congress such as Senator Patrick Leahy - author of the
1999 ban on training with Kopassus - ''have not been told the real reason for Obama's decision, which was to provide
photo opportunities for the President''.
''The decision to renew links shows contempt not only to the victims of gross human rights violations but to members
of the US Congress,'' Professor Fernandes said.
US diplomatic cables from the past four years reveal that Jakarta's intense lobbying to lift the Kopassus ban
was largely supported by the US embassy in Jakarta, which cited the Australian military's ties with Kopassus as
a reason to lift the ban.
An April 2007 cable says that ''our Australian counterparts often encourage us to resume training for KOPASSUS''.
However, numerous cables also detail serious US concerns about resuming ties.
In October 2007, the embassy told Washington that ''Indonesia has not prosecuted past human rights violations in
any consistent manner. While we need to keep Indonesia mindful of the consequences of inaction on TNI [Indonesian
military] accountability, Indonesia is unlikely to abandon its approach. We need therefore to encourage the Indonesian
government to take alternative steps to demonstrate accountability.''
Around the same time, another cable from the embassy noted that several high-ranking Indonesia officers had been
promoted, despite questions about their involvement in past atrocities.
''In two cases (Muis and Zamroni), officers linked to human rights violations have been promoted to key positions,''
the cable said. ''Indonesian Defense Department contacts have told us the promotions for these two were delayed
beyond the usual date because of their past activities. One case (Heryadi) may herald closer ties with China.''
Another 2007 cable details US concern about the appearance at a Kopassus anniversary celebration of Tommy Suharto,
the notorious son of the former president who served several years in prison for arranging the killing of a judge
who convicted him of fraud.
In May 2008, the chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen, was briefed by US diplomats that
''the key impediment to expanded engagement remains the failure of the GOI [Indonesia] to press for accountability
for past human rights abuses by security forces.
''The accountability issue stopped our planned engagement with the elite Army Special Forces (KOPASSUS) dead in
its tracks and can be felt in other mil-mil [military-to-military] activities.''
The cable welcomes the Indonesian military's reforms but noted they were not ''the same as putting generals behind
bars for past human rights abuses''.
In late 2009, about six months before the US lifted its Kopassus ban, US Under-Secretary for Defence Bill Burns
told senior Indonesian officials that ''engagement with KOPASSUS continued to be a difficult and complex issue,
particularly as there remained many in Washington, including in Congress, with serious concerns about accountability
for past KOPASSUS actions''.
But the US cables also reveal the Jakarta embassy's efforts to water down the background screening that Indonesian
military officers must undergo if they undertake training in the US.
The US embassy is also revealed in another cable as heavily playing down a 2009 report by Human Rights Watch that
alleges Kopassus soldiers had committed recent human rights abuses in Papua.
The embassy called the report unbalanced and unconfirmed. It said that the abuses detailed did not appear to ''meet
the standard of gross violation of human rights''.
''In these incidents, KOPASSUS personnel allegedly beat and kicked nine Papuans inside a KOPASSUS compound … Several
cases involved Papuans who were drunk or engaged in disruptive behaviour near the KOPASSUS barracks.''
THE Indonesian government has denied it threatened to derail US President Barack Obama's visit to Jakarta to pressure
Washington into lifting its ban on training its controversial Kopassus army special forces.
The US announcement in July that it would remove its 12-year moratorium on training Kopassus, which has a history
of abusing human rights, was based on mutual interest, Indonesian Defence Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro said.
''In the agreement that we signed, Indonesia and the US had the same position.
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''We did not force them,'' The Jakarta Globe reported Mr Yusgiantoro saying. ''We never did such a thing. Really
there is nothing [to the reports],'' he said.
The US embassy in Jakarta also denied the reports. ''The President's visit was not conditioned on re-engagement
with Kopassus,'' spokeswoman Corina Sander said.
But WikiLeaks cables from the US State Department show Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono privately
told the US that continuing the ban was the ''litmus test'' of the relationship between the two nations.
The cables also show that US diplomats encouraged Washington to yield to Dr Yudhoyono's demands to ensure Indonesia's
military and security services would protect US interests in the region.
They show that although US diplomats in Jakarta were concerned about resuming ties because of human rights violations,
they played down credible reports by Human Rights Watch about such abuses.
''It was clear that our concerns were making them uncomfortable, but we always got a solicitous reception from
them,'' Phil Robertson, HRW's deputy director for the Asia division, said of his organisation's discussions with
the US embassy in Jakarta.
''Now what we have found as a result of WikiLeaks is that we put information out there and they were disparaging
it,'' Mr Robertson said.
