U.S. President Barack Obama (C), flanked by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono,
poses with other East Asia Summit leaders before a gala dinner in Bali November 18, 2011.
Photo:Reuters
NUSA DUA, Indonesia (Kyodo) -- Leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations plus China, Japan and South
Korea agreed Friday to increase cooperation in trade liberalization, disaster prevention and food security.
In the so-called ASEAN-plus-three summit in Bali, Indonesia, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda said Japan
hopes to see an early launch of working groups as a way of promoting trade liberalization in the 13-nation grouping
and the ASEAN-plus-six framework involving the 13 plus Australia, India and New Zealand, according to a Japanese
official.
The ASEAN-plus-three leaders welcomed the signing in October of an agreement on the ASEAN Plus Three Emergency
Rice Reserve in a move to better cope with food shortage and price increases in the event of major natural disaster
in the region, the official said.
Noda called for an early effectuation of the accord.
With the accord, the region will for the first time have a permanent mechanism for an emergency rice reserve and
stock based on cooperation among the 13 countries.
Initially, the countries will provide a rice stock of 787,000 tons to address sudden instabilities in supply and
production caused by natural disasters.
The 13 leaders also agreed to strengthen regional financial cooperation to fend off adverse effects from the European
debt crisis, the official said.
In this context, the leaders welcomed the operationalization since May of the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office,
a regional economic research and surveillance body aimed at preventing financial turmoil.
In the summit, Noda said North Korea's suspected nuclear proliferation activities represent a "destabilizing
factor" for the region and the international community.
He called for countries to strictly abide by the ban of exports of nuclear-related technology to other countries
in line with U.N. Security Council resolutions.
Noda urged North Korea to take concrete action toward its denuclearization, such as an immediate halt of its nuclear
enrichment program.
At the same time, the Japanese leader expressed appreciation for China's efforts to restart the six-party talks
on the North's nuclear ambitions, which have been stalled since late 2008.
China chairs the denuclearization talks, which also involve the two Koreas, Japan, Russia and the United States.
The ASEAN-plus-three summit came on the eve of the broader East Asia Summit on Saturday, in which the United States
and Russia will participate for the first time.
ASEAN groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and
Vietnam.
Noda's remarks after Japan-ASEAN, ASEAN-plus-3 summits
The following are Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda's remarks to reporters after Friday's meetings of leaders
of Japan and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, as well as leaders of ASEAN plus Japan, China and South
Korea, in Nusa Dua on the Indonesian resort island of Bali.
Reporter: "After the talks with ASEAN leaders, do you think you were able to make them feel closer to Japan?"
Noda: "We must strengthen our friendly ties given that ASEAN is a very important partner for Japan in terms
of politics and economy. First we had a Japan-ASEAN summit. In it, we talked about how to enhance the connectivity
of main roads in the region and discussed disaster management cooperation because both of us often encounter natural
disasters. Those were very meaningful exchanges of opinions and we came up with the Bali declaration. We also issued
a plan of action. It was a very meaningful meeting.
"Then we held ASEAN-plus-three talks which included Japan, China and South Korea, where we had good discussions
on various issues, like efforts to liberalize trade and investment rules (in the future) by stepping up economic
cooperation.
"I also met with Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and we talked about Japan's flood-relief support,
as well as joint efforts for disaster-prevention cooperation again on this occasion. I received an encouraging
remark that Thailand will make the best possible effort to help Japanese companies operate steadily in the country.
I think those were a series of meetings that made me feel they have high expectations for Japan.
Main points of Japan gov't briefing on ASEAN-plus 3 summit
The following are the main points of a briefing given by a Japanese Foreign Ministry official on the meeting Friday
of leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations plus China, Japan and South Korea, in Nusa Dua on the
Indonesian resort island of Bali.
-- The 10-member ASEAN plus the three Asian countries agreed to enhance regional cooperation in a range of areas,
including disaster preparedness, food security, economic integration, higher education, tourism and transnational
crimes.
-- The ASEAN plus the Asian countries agreed to boost cooperation as their multilateral framework will mark the
15th anniversary next year.
-- During the meeting, which lasted about 80 minutes, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda expressed hope for
the early entry into force of an accord signed by the 13 countries last month for an emergency rice reserve and
stock.
-- Noda said Japan wants to share lessons learned on disaster preparedness following the March earthquake and tsunami
with the 12 other countries.
-- Noda said he wants to accelerate the consideration of ways to realize the liberalization of trade and investment
in East Asia.
-- To that end, Noda expressed hope that three working groups will be launched at an early date. Launch of the
working groups was proposed by Japan and China. One group would focus on trade in goods, a second on trade in services,
and the third on cross-border investments.
-- Noda welcomed Indonesia's initiative to promote tourism in the region and its preparation for the signing of
a memorandum of understanding for that purpose in January 2012.
-- Noda referred to North Korean nuclear issues. The premier welcomed the recent developments, such as the dialogue
between the two Koreas and the dialogue between Pyongyang and Washington, as well as China's efforts. But he said
North Korea has yet to implement concrete actions to give up its nuclear ambitions.
-- Noda said North Korea's suspected nuclear proliferation activities represent a destabilizing factor for the
region and the international community.
-- Noda said it is important to abide by the ban on exporting nuclear-related technology in line with U.N. Security
Council resolutions.
-- Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao did not say anything about North Korea. No leaders expressed opposition to Noda's
remarks on North Korea.
-- Many leaders voiced concerns about the European economic crisis and its impact on the Asian economy.
ASEAN'S geostrategic importance stems from many factors, including the strategic location of member countries,
the large shares of global trade that pass through regional waters, and the alliance and partnerships which the
United States shares with ADEAN member states.
Reflecting this, in July 2009 the United States signed ASEAN'S Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, which establishes
guiding principles intended to build confidfence among its signatories with the aim of maintaining regional peace
and stability.
Economic Potential
ASEAN has the third-largest economy in Asia, after Japan and China. As a developing region, its per capita income
is low but its GDP is rapidly growing: an almost 170% increase over the past decade.
Trade
ASEAN accounts for 6% of all world trade. The United States is ASEAN’s third largest export market, comprising
12% of its exports, while exports to Japan make up 12%, China 10% and India 3%.
U.S. exports to ASEAN totaled $66 billion in 2008, up 62% from 2002
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)
U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) into ASEAN totaled $130 billion in 2007, the largest destination for U.S.
FDI in Asia, and has grown 55% since 2004. Investment from ASEAN into the United States ranks fourth among Asian
sources, totaling $11 billion, up 385% since 2004.
U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) into ASEAN totaled 130 billion in 2007, the largest destination for U.S.
FDI in Asia, and has grown 55% since 2004.
Investment from ASEAN into the United States ranks fourth amoung Asian sources, totalin 11 billion, up 385%
since 2004.
Investment to and from U.S. from ASEAN and other Asian Economies -
President Barack Obama with East Asia Summit leaders
in Nusa Dua, Bali, Indonesia, Nov. 18, 2011.
U.S. President Barack Obama has held talks with Asian leaders attending the East Asia Summit in Bali, Indonesia.
Obama's purpose on this Asia-Pacific trip has been to signal that the U.S. is "here to stay" as a Pacific
power, intent on strengthening its political, economic and strategic engagement with the region.
But the U.S. is also encouraging the steadily increasing economic and security stake that India, the world's largest
democracy, has in the Pacific. Thus the first bilateral meeting on Obama's schedule was with Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh.
Obama said both nations see the East Asia Summit as "the premier arena" to work together on issues ranging
from maritime security and nonproliferation to expanded cooperation on disaster relief and humanitarian assistance.
Prime Minister Singh gave a diplomatically upbeat assessment of relations. He also said India’s parliament will
soon consider liability laws to address the concerns of America nuclear power companies, which have held up the
implementation of the two countries’ civilian nuclear deal.
“Therefore we have gone some ways to respond to the concerns of the American companies," said Singh. "And
within the four concerns of the law of the land, we are willing to address any specific grievance."
Obama also met with the leaders of the Philippines and Malaysia, and later with host nation Indonesia, before joining
the U.S.-ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) meeting and an East Asia Summit dinner.
Major announcements
Before any of the day's carefully-staged diplomatic events, President Obama was able to point to a major $22 billion
deal involving the sale of more than 200 Boeing Company passenger jets to Indonesia's largest domestic carrier
Lion Air. The deal would support some 110,000 jobs in the United States.
But the big story Friday was the president's announcement of a major new diplomatic outreach to Burma, dominated
for decades by the military but moving in recent months toward political reform.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will travel to Burma next month to "explore" possibilities for improving
relations. With Clinton by his side, he called it an opportunity for Burma's government to demonstrate it is serious
about reform.
"We remain concerned about Burma's closed political system, its treatment of minorities, and holding of political
prisoners and its relationship with North Korea," said Obama. "But we want to seize what could be a historic
opportunity for progress and make it clear that if Burma continues to travel down the road of democratic reform
it can forge a new relationship with the United States of America."
Obama said he would deliver the same messages to Burma's President Thein Sein during Friday's U.S-ASEAN meeting.
ASEAN leaders have approved Burma to head the 10-member organization in 2014.
Senior White House officials said Secretary Clinton is scheduled to arrive in Burma on December 1 and spend two
days meeting with government and civil society leaders, and with Aung San Suu Kyi.
The president said he had his first conversation with Burmese opposition leader and 1991 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate
Aung San Suu Kyi, while he was flying to Bali from Australia, saying they reviewed progress in Burma.
Obama said Burma's government has taken positive steps to open the political process, loosen media restrictions
and release some political prisoners. He said Aung San Suu Kyi supported U.S. engagement aimed at moving the reform
process forward.
President Obama came to Bali after a visit to Australia during which the countries announced a major enhancement
of their 60 year security alliance and a plan to substantially increase U.S. military access to Australian bases.
That agreement, which brought a cool reaction from China, along with regional concerns about China's security assertiveness
and tensions over rival claims to the South China Sea, form the backdrop for this East Asia Summit.
U.S. President Barack Obama (C), flanked by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono,
poses with other East Asia Summit leaders before a gala dinner in Bali November 18, 2011.
Photo:Reuters
Reuters U.S. President Barack Obama, flanked by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and
Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, poses with other East Asia Summit leaders before a gala dinner.
NUSA DUA — Under Indonesia’s chairmanship this year, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations shot from side
show to center stage of East Asian diplomacy. But what happens next year when the 10-nation talk show is hosted
by one of its less mighty members: Cambodia?
Indonesia asked to host this year as sort of a victory lap to show it is healthy, happy and ready to start pulling
the weight and respect it thinks it deserves in the world. Its economy is booming, its democracy is working and
it wants its geopolitical profile to reflect that it has the world’s fourth largest population and the biggest
economy in Southeast Asia.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa want to use Asean to help put a spotlight
Indonesia, bringing it out of the shadows of China and India.
Under their leadership Asean – previously usually only known for its grand dinners and bland declarations — has
been involved in easing tensions in the deadly border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia and it has helped push
the military-backed government of Myanmar to reform.
It hosted a superpower summit on the resort Island of Bali with US President Barack Obama, Chinese Premier Wen
Jiabao and leaders from Japan, Australia, Russia and elsewhere discussing their views on security and commerce
in the region. The East Asia Summit also attracted some of the tightest security and one biggest media mobs the
island has ever seen.
As the annual Asean summit wound down this weekend some diplomats wondered whether the momentum can continue under
Cambodia which has neither the economic punch nor political pull of Indonesia.
“The framework, the instruments, processes and systems are in place so the momentum from this year is going to
last for a few years,” said Surin Pitsuwan, secretary general of Asean in an Interview with the Wall Street Journal.
However Cambodia will “probably not (lead) with the same weight and not with the same connectivity around the world,”
as Indonesia, he said.
After Cambodia, the group will continue to be headed by Asian Tiger cubs as Brunei is scheduled to chair Asean
in 2013 and then Myanmar the following year. It won’t be until 2015 that another big member country, Malaysia,
is in charge.
“The potential of Asean is very significant and cannot be underestimated,” Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak
said. “We are hoping to continue this momentum because it is so important for us.”
It may, however, be non-Asean members, the US and China, who decide how much attention the bloc will get in the
coming years. President Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton broadcast America’s new commitment to the
region during their visit to Indonesia last week.
The US plans to use Southeast Asia as a testing ground to find ways to interact with China on issues the two countries
don’t agree upon, analysts said, specifically on China’s claims on much of the South China Sea.
So as long as the U.S. and China continue to show up at the meetings, Asean should continue to grab headlines and
hopefully some perks for its members as the world’s biggest powers compete to charm them.sean Wraps Up Big Year
with Bang in Bali, Now What?
NUSA DUA, Indonesia (Kyodo) -- Leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations plus China, Japan and South
Korea agreed Friday to increase cooperation in trade liberalization, disaster prevention and food security.
In the so-called ASEAN-plus-three summit in Bali, Indonesia, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda said Japan
hopes to see an early launch of working groups as a way of promoting trade liberalization in the 13-nation grouping
and the ASEAN-plus-six framework involving the 13 plus Australia, India and New Zealand, according to a Japanese
official.
The ASEAN-plus-three leaders welcomed the signing in October of an agreement on the ASEAN Plus Three Emergency
Rice Reserve in a move to better cope with food shortage and price increases in the event of major natural disaster
in the region, the official said.
Noda called for an early effectuation of the accord.
With the accord, the region will for the first time have a permanent mechanism for an emergency rice reserve and
stock based on cooperation among the 13 countries.
Initially, the countries will provide a rice stock of 787,000 tons to address sudden instabilities in supply and
production caused by natural disasters.
The 13 leaders also agreed to strengthen regional financial cooperation to fend off adverse effects from the European
debt crisis, the official said.
In this context, the leaders welcomed the operationalization since May of the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office,
a regional economic research and surveillance body aimed at preventing financial turmoil.
In the summit, Noda said North Korea's suspected nuclear proliferation activities represent a "destabilizing
factor" for the region and the international community.
He called for countries to strictly abide by the ban of exports of nuclear-related technology to other countries
in line with U.N. Security Council resolutions.
Noda urged North Korea to take concrete action toward its denuclearization, such as an immediate halt of its nuclear
enrichment program.
At the same time, the Japanese leader expressed appreciation for China's efforts to restart the six-party talks
on the North's nuclear ambitions, which have been stalled since late 2008.
China chairs the denuclearization talks, which also involve the two Koreas, Japan, Russia and the United States.
The ASEAN-plus-three summit came on the eve of the broader East Asia Summit on Saturday, in which the United States
and Russia will participate for the first time.
ASEAN groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and
Vietnam.
Noda's remarks after Japan-ASEAN, ASEAN-plus-3 summits
The following are Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda's remarks to reporters after Friday's meetings of leaders
of Japan and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, as well as leaders of ASEAN plus Japan, China and South
Korea, in Nusa Dua on the Indonesian resort island of Bali.
Reporter: "After the talks with ASEAN leaders, do you think you were able to make them feel closer to Japan?"
Noda: "We must strengthen our friendly ties given that ASEAN is a very important partner for Japan in terms
of politics and economy. First we had a Japan-ASEAN summit. In it, we talked about how to enhance the connectivity
of main roads in the region and discussed disaster management cooperation because both of us often encounter natural
disasters. Those were very meaningful exchanges of opinions and we came up with the Bali declaration. We also issued
a plan of action. It was a very meaningful meeting.
"Then we held ASEAN-plus-three talks which included Japan, China and South Korea, where we had good discussions
on various issues, like efforts to liberalize trade and investment rules (in the future) by stepping up economic
cooperation.
"I also met with Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and we talked about Japan's flood-relief support,
as well as joint efforts for disaster-prevention cooperation again on this occasion. I received an encouraging
remark that Thailand will make the best possible effort to help Japanese companies operate steadily in the country.
I think those were a series of meetings that made me feel they have high expectations for Japan.
Main points of Japan gov't briefing on ASEAN-plus 3 summit
The following are the main points of a briefing given by a Japanese Foreign Ministry official on the meeting Friday
of leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations plus China, Japan and South Korea, in Nusa Dua on the
Indonesian resort island of Bali.
-- The 10-member ASEAN plus the three Asian countries agreed to enhance regional cooperation in a range of areas,
including disaster preparedness, food security, economic integration, higher education, tourism and transnational
crimes.
-- The ASEAN plus the Asian countries agreed to boost cooperation as their multilateral framework will mark the
15th anniversary next year.
-- During the meeting, which lasted about 80 minutes, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda expressed hope for
the early entry into force of an accord signed by the 13 countries last month for an emergency rice reserve and
stock.
-- Noda said Japan wants to share lessons learned on disaster preparedness following the March earthquake and tsunami
with the 12 other countries.
-- Noda said he wants to accelerate the consideration of ways to realize the liberalization of trade and investment
in East Asia.
-- To that end, Noda expressed hope that three working groups will be launched at an early date. Launch of the
working groups was proposed by Japan and China. One group would focus on trade in goods, a second on trade in services,
and the third on cross-border investments.
-- Noda welcomed Indonesia's initiative to promote tourism in the region and its preparation for the signing of
a memorandum of understanding for that purpose in January 2012.
-- Noda referred to North Korean nuclear issues. The premier welcomed the recent developments, such as the dialogue
between the two Koreas and the dialogue between Pyongyang and Washington, as well as China's efforts. But he said
North Korea has yet to implement concrete actions to give up its nuclear ambitions.
-- Noda said North Korea's suspected nuclear proliferation activities represent a destabilizing factor for the
region and the international community.
-- Noda said it is important to abide by the ban on exporting nuclear-related technology in line with U.N. Security
Council resolutions.
-- Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao did not say anything about North Korea. No leaders expressed opposition to Noda's
remarks on North Korea.
-- Many leaders voiced concerns about the European economic crisis and its impact on the Asian economy.
(Mainichi Japan) November 19, 2011
President Barack Obama with East Asia Summit leaders
in Nusa Dua, Bali, Indonesia, Nov. 18, 2011.
Voice of America News placed this photo of President Obama and Summit leaders.
leaving out the President of Indonesia, the host country
U.S. President Barack Obama has held talks with Asian leaders attending the East Asia Summit in Bali, Indonesia.
Obama's purpose on this Asia-Pacific trip has been to signal that the U.S. is "here to stay" as a Pacific
power, intent on strengthening its political, economic and strategic engagement with the region.
But the U.S. is also encouraging the steadily increasing economic and security stake that India, the world's largest
democracy, has in the Pacific. Thus the first bilateral meeting on Obama's schedule was with Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh.
Obama said both nations see the East Asia Summit as "the premier arena" to work together on issues ranging
from maritime security and nonproliferation to expanded cooperation on disaster relief and humanitarian assistance.
Prime Minister Singh gave a diplomatically upbeat assessment of relations. He also said India’s parliament will
soon consider liability laws to address the concerns of America nuclear power companies, which have held up the
implementation of the two countries’ civilian nuclear deal.
“Therefore we have gone some ways to respond to the concerns of the American companies," said Singh. "And
within the four concerns of the law of the land, we are willing to address any specific grievance."
Obama also met with the leaders of the Philippines and Malaysia, and later with host nation Indonesia, before joining
the U.S.-ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) meeting and an East Asia Summit dinner.
Major announcements
Before any of the day's carefully-staged diplomatic events, President Obama was able to point to a major $22 billion
deal involving the sale of more than 200 Boeing Company passenger jets to Indonesia's largest domestic carrier
Lion Air. The deal would support some 110,000 jobs in the United States.
But the big story Friday was the president's announcement of a major new diplomatic outreach to Burma, dominated
for decades by the military but moving in recent months toward political reform.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will travel to Burma next month to "explore" possibilities for improving
relations. With Clinton by his side, he called it an opportunity for Burma's government to demonstrate it is serious
about reform.
"We remain concerned about Burma's closed political system, its treatment of minorities, and holding of political
prisoners and its relationship with North Korea," said Obama. "But we want to seize what could be a historic
opportunity for progress and make it clear that if Burma continues to travel down the road of democratic reform
it can forge a new relationship with the United States of America."
Obama said he would deliver the same messages to Burma's President Thein Sein during Friday's U.S-ASEAN meeting.
ASEAN leaders have approved Burma to head the 10-member organization in 2014.
Senior White House officials said Secretary Clinton is scheduled to arrive in Burma on December 1 and spend two
days meeting with government and civil society leaders, and with Aung San Suu Kyi.
The president said he had his first conversation with Burmese opposition leader and 1991 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate
Aung San Suu Kyi, while he was flying to Bali from Australia, saying they reviewed progress in Burma.
Obama said Burma's government has taken positive steps to open the political process, loosen media restrictions
and release some political prisoners. He said Aung San Suu Kyi supported U.S. engagement aimed at moving the reform
process forward.
President Obama came to Bali after a visit to Australia during which the countries announced a major enhancement
of their 60 year security alliance and a plan to substantially increase U.S. military access to Australian bases.
That agreement, which brought a cool reaction from China, along with regional concerns about China's security assertiveness
and tensions over rival claims to the South China Sea, form the backdrop for this East Asia Summit.
Editors comments to VOA News:
Editor indonesia-digest.net
27-11-2011
My comment on Obama and summit leaders photo, leaving out President of Summit Host country placed on my website
(as compared with other official photos clearly showing Indonesia President standing beside the US president in
the front row). www.indonesia-digest.net/1100asean.htm Of course it is your right which photo to publish.based
on your informative publication preferences and inclinations. I myself consider it a blatant disrespect for the
Indonesian president.
Nusa Dua. Indonesia has warned deploying US Marines in Australia could cause regional tensions, highlighting
the balancing act nations face as Washington and Beijing jostle for influence in Asia.
China’s regional neighbors welcome the United States’ diplomatic campaign to assert itself as a Pacific power,
and create a counterbalance to the Asian superpower’s growing might, but can ill afford to alienate Beijing.
President Barack Obama announced in Canberra on Wednesday that the US would deploy up to 2,500 Marines in the northern
city of Darwin, rankling China which termed it “not quite appropriate.”
Indonesia has fast emerged as a cornerstone ally for Obama’s administration but nevertheless echoed Chinese concerns
about a US military build-up.
“What I would hate to see is if such developments were to provoke a reaction and counter-reaction precisely to
create that vicious circle of tensions and mistrust or distrust,” Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said at an
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) summit on the Indonesian of Bali.
“That’s why it’s very important when a decision of this type is taken there is transparency of what the scenario
being envisaged is and there is no misunderstanding as a result,” he added.
Indonesia’s frank comments came against a backdrop of a looming confrontation over a maritime dispute between the
US and China who will meet at Saturday’s East Asia Summit, which follows the Bali talks.
Singapore Foreign Minister K. Shanmugam said on Wednesday that Asean nations do not want to get “caught between
the competing interests” of major powers.
And Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak said his country, which also has claims over the disputed South China
Sea as well as strong economic ties with Beijing, did not back any development that would undermine regional security.
“Our position is we do not want any development that would undermine this region as a region of peace and stability
nor anything that would increase tension in the region,” Najib told reporters at Asean.
“What is important is the role of the US in the region vis-a-vis China, and that has to be managed constructively.”
However the Philippines, another South China Sea claimant which has angered Beijing with a push for a joint stand
on the strategic issue at the Asean summit, welcomed a more robust US presence in the region.
“If you are asking me in general how I view the increased engagement of the US in Australia and in the region,
we view the presence here ... as ultimately a stabilizing force, and we welcome that,” said Ramon Carandang, spokesman
for President Benigno Aquino.
Earlier this month in Jakarta, Natalegawa had been more welcoming of Washington’s new commitment to the region.
There has been “real increased attention, and enhanced attention on the part of the United States to the Asia Pacific
region. You can see a very clear upward trend,” he said then.
“We would expect the United States to continue to play its stabilizing role in promoting peace and stability and
prosperity in the region.”
Last year Obama, who spent part of his childhood in Indonesia, sealed a “comprehensive partnership” with the country
designed to boost ties across a range of fields, including military, trade and climate change.
Indonesia was a cold war ally of Washington, and relations that had cooled during the long Suharto dictatorship
have been improving after his 1998 fall and the country’s turn to democracy.
Jason Clare, Australian minister for defence materiel, said Australia had told its neighbors about the US deployment
on Indonesia’s southern doorstep in recent days, and that it would be discussed at Saturday’s summit.
“That’s good for trust, good for transparency,” he said.
Geopolitical tensions have continued to mount over the disputed waters of the South China Sea since the conclusion
of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Bali during July.
At the ASEAN gathering, rival claimants to the region signed a document entitled “Guidelines on the Implementation
of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea.” It was heralded by the mainstream press as
a step toward the peaceful resolution of conflicting claims and away from the escalating rhetoric of confrontation.
The declaration was a hollow document, founded on abstract declarations of friendship and existing consensus.
Since July, a confrontation has occurred between Chinese and Indian naval ships in the South China Sea. India has
concluded a joint oil exploration agreement with Vietnam. Vietnam has signed a deal for joint marine patrols with
Indonesia, and the Philippines has made a similar deal with Japan. State-run Chinese newspapers have decried these
arrangements and denounced the machinations of the United States in the region.
In late July, an Indian amphibious assault vessel was sailing from the Vietnamese city of Nha Trang to the deep-water
harbor of Cam Ranh Bay when a Chinese naval official warned the ship over radio that it was entering Chinese waters.
The Indian ship ignored the warnings and continued its course.
The ship was part of the Indian fleet that has been deployed at the $US2 billion facilities being constructed by
New Delhi on the Andaman Islands, guarding the Bay of Bengal and monitoring the western end of the Straits of Malacca—a
vital sea lane and strategic naval choke point.
In the aftermath of this confrontation, the Indian state-run oil company Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC)
and Vietnam’s Petrovietnam signed a deal to purchase BP’s stake in oil and gas development in the waters off the
coast of Vietnam. The Chinese state-run People’s Daily denounced the joint deal as an infringement on Chinese sovereignty.
On September 16, China demanded that the Indian and Vietnamese governments stop their joint oil venture in blocks
127 and 128, which it claimed were in Chinese territorial waters. ONGC and Petrovietnam have ignored the Chinese
demands.
Two days earlier, on September 13 and 14, Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung visited Indonesian President
Yudhoyono in Jakarta and initiated an agreement to “establish joint patrols in the sea area and lines of communication
between our two countries.”
Of the claimants to the South China Sea, Indonesia has historically been among the least aggressive in the assertion
of its sovereign claims and the most open to the acknowledgement of Chinese rights to the waters. That it would
conclude an agreement to jointly patrol the region at the eastern mouth of the Straits of Malacca with Vietnam,
an aggressively anti-China claimant, is a significant shift in Indonesian foreign policy.
During the past two months, Philippine President Aquino has travelled to China, the United States and Japan. In
the beginning of September, Aquino brought a delegation of over 200 leading Filipino businessmen to China where
he met with political and business leaders over several days. He returned to the Philippines with commitments from
Chinese corporations to invest $13 billion in Philippine infrastructure in the next year and $60 billion in the
next five. The subject of the South China Sea was barely touched upon, and when it was raised it was covered over
with the trite statement that the sea was becoming a zone of amity, friendship and cooperation.
On September 18, Aquino visited Washington. He brought a small delegation with him. When he returned to the Philippines
he spoke proudly of the business deal he had concluded. US soft drink manufacturers had agreed to purchase $100
million in coconuts from the Philippines. What was less trumpeted in the press, but of far greater significance,
was an arrangement for the Philippines to purchase two Hamilton class naval cutters and several helicopters.
These deals highlight the tenuous balancing act between China and the United States in which each Southeast Asian
country is currently engaged. The massive influx of investment from China is dwarfing that coming from the United
States. The foreign policy of Southeast Asian nations teeters uncertainly between the rising economic power of
China and the political and military might of the United States.
From September 25 to 28, in the wake of his trip to the United States, Aquino visited Japan and concluded an agreement
similar to that between Indonesia and Vietnam, for the joint marine patrolling of the disputed waters of the South
China Sea. Aquino brought to the proposal the explicit support of the United States.
A People’s Daily editorial on September 26 denounced the Aquino administration’s shifting allegiances. “Just three
weeks ago during his visit to China, Aquino stressed his desire for peaceful dialogue over territorial disputes
… Backed by the US, the Philippines now tries to involve more regional players like Japan to collectively check
China. But such efforts will be fruitless … The Philippines does not have the willpower to sacrifice its relationship
with China and become involved in an armed standoff.”
The Chinese government is serving warning that it will not continue to tolerate what has been standard practice
throughout the region until now—concluding massive economic deals with China and then engaging in political and
military machinations against China with the backing of the United States.
A comment in China’s Global Times entitled “Time to teach those around the South China Sea a lesson” was published
on September 29. The Global Times commentry represents certain sections of the Chinese military and is often aggressive
in tone. This comment, however, was a sharp escalation, even for the Global Times.
The article stated: “It is probably the right time for us to reason, think ahead and strike first before things
gradually run out of hand. It seems all the countries around the area are preparing for an arms race … It’s very
amusing to see some of the countries vow to threaten or even confront China with force just because the US announced
that it has ‘returned to Asia’.”
“We shouldn’t waste the opportunity,” the commentry continued, “to launch some tiny-scale battles that could deter
provocateurs from going further … Punishment should be restricted only to the Philippines and Vietnam, who have
been acting extremely aggressively these days.”
The commentry dismissed the idea that a first strike against the Philippines and Vietnam would occasion reprisals
from the United States. “US pressure in the South China Sea should not be taken seriously, at least for now given
the war on terror in the Middle East and elsewhere is still plaguing it hard.”
The United States government played a key role in the Vietnamese opening of Cam Ranh Bay, where the confrontation
between India and China occurred. President Aquino’s visit to Washington was arranged by the Obama administration
immediately after his visit to China was announced. The deal between Japan and the Philippines was struck at the
instigation and with the backing of the United States.
As Washington engages in political and military machinations throughout the region surrounding China, the Chinese
response is becoming increasingly strident.
Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa (Center)
accompanied by Asean Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan (Left)
and Cambodia's Secretary of State Kao Kim Hourn (Right)
open the meeting of Asean+3 at Nusa Dua, Bali, Indonesia 21 July 2011. (EPA Photo/Adi Weda)
Asean’s function is often described as being limited to a “talk shop” that merely provides venues where ministers
and leaders from larger states come together to exchange views on regional security and economic issues.
So long as the so-called Asean Way — which informally stipulates non-intervention, non-binding and consensus-based
decision-making approaches to regional cooperation — is maintained, Asean’s major role will not go beyond hosting
the talk shop. Yet the talk shop’s value could be enhanced if delegates discussed the hard issues, regardless of
whether any binding agreements ensued.
The recent series of Asean foreign ministers’ meetings, including the Asean Regional Forum held in Bali last month,
proved that Asean’s talk shop function is still worth something. Three factors highlighted this.
First, the meetings were held in the midst of growing tensions between China and some Asean members, such as Vietnam
and the Philippines, over territorial disputes in the South China Sea. And although China is yet to show any intention
of making a compromise — insisting on bilateral negotiations with other claimants as the only way to resolve the
disputes rather than utilizing multilateral meetings such as the ARF to broker a resolution — the Asean meetings
this year have confronted the issue in a more serious manner.
Second, the increased US engagement in Southeast Asia, including President Barack Obama’s scheduled participation
in the East Asian Summit later this year, has given renewed significance to the Asean ministerial meetings. The
Obama administration’s commitment to the region — epitomized by the slogan “The US is back in Asia” — is in sharp
contrast to the apathetic attitude of the Bush administration as evinced by former US Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice’s two absences from the ARF in just four years. With the Obama administration and its participation in the
Asean meetings we are seeing the first serious US engagement in Southeast Asia since the end of the Vietnam War.
Finally, the talk shop provides an opportunity for Southeast Asian states to display leadership. This year Indonesia
has assumed the chairmanship of Asean. But it has been under pressure to host meetings successfully after its failure
to find a solution to the border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia undermined confidence in its leadership.
That leadership will continue to be tested as Indonesia is set to host more meetings, including the EAS.
Prior to the Bali meetings, Asean had never been an effective shield to protect the interests of its members in
territorial disputes. However, the United States, playing a key role in placing the disputes on the recent ARF
agenda has confronted China over the disputes in the South China Sea.
Of significance was the US claim that both parties should provide legal evidence to support their territorial claims.
This legal-based approach to the territorial disputes, initially promoted by the Philippines, is something China
has previously not paid serious attention to.
The US engagement in Southeast Asia and its planned participation in the EAS this year have also helped settle
another debate over Asian regionalism: arguments over the most effective framework for regional cooperation.
The options available include Asean+3, the EAS and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. Finding an answer
does require clarification as to what cooperation implies, but US engagement in Asean regionalism has contributed
to reducing competition and clarifying the division of labor. The US push for the development of a free trade agreement
in the Asia-Pacific and initiatives for the negotiation of a Trans-Pacific Partnership as a first step towards
its formation, have made APEC the most advanced institution for market integration.
However, for regional financial cooperation, Asean+3 is considered the most effective regional financial cooperation
mechanism.
And with regard to regional security, the EAS — whose stature has been boosted as both the United States and Russia
are set to join this year — has emerged as the most useful framework.
The value of the EAS in this regard is underscored by the comments of Kevin Rudd, the Australian foreign minister,
who called for an Asia-Pacific Community a few years ago when he was prime minister. A major rationale behind his
proposal was a belief that there was no Asian regional institution that had “the ability to deal comprehensively
with all of the economic, political and security issues.” No existing institution brought together all of what
he called essential participants like the United States, China, Japan, India, Russia and Indonesia.
However, the EAS is now going a long way toward fulfilling this role, having emerged as a comprehensive regional
institution with 18 participants, including all those essential nations. One of the items topping the agenda at
the upcoming EAS in Indonesia will be the South China Sea, as President Obama declared during his visit to Indonesia
last year.
The US engagement remains key to maintaining and enhancing Asean’s talk-shop function. But, to continue improving
Asean, the traditional anxiety that its institutional significance would be diminished in the face of larger arrangements
such as the EAS or APEC should be abandoned. The first EAS with 18 leaders, to be held in November in Indonesia,
will be a litmus test of Asean’s determination to challenge this mind set.
East Asia Forum
Takashi Terada is Professor of International Relations at the Organization for Asian Studies, Waseda University.
Reading the latest US diplomatic dispatches released by WikiLeaks, one tends
to focus on the salacious details, such as discussion of corruption among Indonesian elites. It is not surprising,
then, that many people immediately latched on a cable that noted Washington’s approval of nine ministers in President
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s cabinet. Even though the cable simply suggested that these ministers might be friendly
to US interests, critics jumped upon this revelation as another proof of growing US influence in Yudhoyono’s cabinet.
Yet, such knee-jerk reactions to the cables obscured many things more revealing and more troubling in terms of
Indonesia’s national interest, notably the short-sightedness of Indonesia’s policies and an inability to anticipate
the reactions of its neighbors, which, in the end, undermined the nation.
One of the most interesting revelations in the latest batch of diplomatic cables centers
on the strategic Strait of Malacca.
On Nov. 19, 2008, the US Embassy in Singapore noted the Singaporean government’s disapproval of Indonesia’s plan
to impose more control on navigations in the strait.
What Indonesia planned to do was to launch a “pilotage program [a method of easing navigation] for ships transiting
the Malacca Strait” that would be in effect from Iyu Kecil Island to Nongsa Batam in Indonesia’s territorial waters
south of the Malacca Strait. Indonesia argued that the program would prevent environmentally damaging accidents
and keep
international navigation safe in the strait. Indonesia argued that the program had its precedent in the Euro Channel,
the Baltic Sea and the Torres Strait.
Nevertheless, the Singaporean government demurred. Singapore is afraid of “mission creep” — the possibility that
after Indonesia found its new program to be highly profitable, it would extend the scheme to various parts of Indonesia,
which would contravene Singapore’s interest, as it would slow down traffic considerably (e.g. to pick up Indonesian
pilots to help guide a ship), not to mention various legal liabilities such as Indonesian pilots entering Singapore’s
territorial water.
Even though the program was voluntary due to the lack of trained pilots, Singapore did not fail to notice that
Indonesia would collect fees for the service and thus Indonesia had a huge incentive to expand the program and
make it mandatory to have Indonesian pilots traverse Indonesian waters.
Unmentioned was the obvious dent on Singapore’s profit as the fees and the slowdown would cut into Singapore’s
fast and efficient trade.
Since the program was implemented in Indonesian waters, Singapore could do nothing to stop it. What it could do
was to enlist support from various countries that would be affected by this program and create a broad multilateral
opposition that would persuade Indonesia to drop its plan.
Not surprisingly, Singapore decided to enlist Australia in its opposition to the proposed plan.
A cable from the US Embassy in Canberra dated Oct. 27, 2008, noted that just five days earlier Singapore, which
had
been opposing Australia’s similar pilotage policy in the Torres Strait, suggested to Australia that it would drop
its
challenges in an international court in exchange for Australia’s support for “a broader effort to convince Indonesia
to back away from its Strait of Malacca proposal.”
Even though Singapore was convinced that the “Torres Strait regime is incompatible with international law” and
the regime itself is anathema to Singapore’s interests in maintaining free and unrestricted navigation rights all
over the world, the Strait of Malacca is paramount to Singapore’s strategic interests, and thus it was willing
to give up its opposition on the Torres Strait in exchange for Australia’s support on Singapore’s position.
The cable also noted that Australia strongly opposed
Indonesia’s pilotage program, even though Australia admitted what Indonesia had been doing was simply copying Australia’s
own program in the Torres Strait. Australia argued that its regime in the Torres Strait was accepted by Papua New
Guinea and it was in accord to international law, unlike Indonesia’s plan, which was opposed by Singapore.
It is unclear what happened next, but it is safe to assume that the program might be discontinued due to several
factors, ranging from international opposition to bureaucratic confusion. On June 14 this year in an opinion piece
for Batam Pos newspaper, Jasarmen Purba, the Indonesian lawmaker from the Riau Islands, lamented the pilotage program
being stalled due to the lack of attention from the Indonesian Department of Transportation and the Indonesian
government’s failure to understand the importance of the Strait of Malacca.
It is easy to accuse and blame both Singapore and Australia for perfidy in this matter. By doing that, however,
Indonesia missed a larger and more important issue, which is the constant inability of Indonesia to pursue its
policies effectively.
The reasons are many, but two of the most important reasons are the lack of preparation and an overemphasis on
image
at the expense of results.
As noted by S. Jayakumar in his book, “Diplomacy: A Singapore Experience,” Indonesia’s largest fault lies in the
lack of attention to detail on policies, with the nation instead focusing on diplomatic posturing. He used as an
example the extradition treaty, which Indonesia desperately wants. Even though Singapore stressed that after the
treaty was signed,
it did not mean automatic extraditions because there were still many legal hurdles, Indonesia was adamant in getting
this treaty signed, for the sake of publicity back home.
In the end, such diplomatic posturing only backfired. Indonesia’s neighbors, worried about the country’s unexpected,
erratic and often unratified policies, decided to gang up to thwart Indonesian policies they believed were contrary
to their interests
or to manipulate the policies to fit their interests. In the extradition treaty argument, Singapore understood
that Indonesia
was desperate for this treaty, resulting in its demand that Indonesia sign the Defense Cooperation Agreement in
exchange for the extradition treaty.
In the end, Indonesian diplomatic personnel would be wise to start reading the WikiLeaks dispatches in order to
understand that many of Indonesia’s knee-jerk policies only damages its interests. It is time for Indonesia to
take its foreign policy seriously, lest it lose more of its prestige abroad.
Yohanes Sulaiman is a lecturer at the National Defense University
He can be reached at ysulaiman@gmail.com.
US President Barack Obama met with leaders
from the 10 Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member countries
New York Sept. 24, 2010.
In his opening remarks, Obama reiterated thd U.S.intention, as a "Pacific nation",
to play a leadership role in in Asia, and characterized closer relations with ASEAN as essential to that goal.
Obama also confirmed that he would attend the East Asia summit in Jakarta next year.
WASHINGTON - US President Barack Obama's summit with Southeast Asian leaders has been scheduled for September 24
in New York, a senior US official told AFP on Friday.
The summit, which had been previously announced, will form Obama's latest attempt to reinvigorate US policy towards
the
dynamic Southeast Asian region which he said was neglected by ex-president George W. Bush's team.
It will take place at a time Obama is due to be in New York for the annual United Nations General Assembly.
The New York meeting will follow the inaugural summit that Obama held last year in Singapore with his counterparts
from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
ASEAN groups Cambodia, Singapore, Myanmar, Vietnam, Laos, the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Brunei and Indonesia.
Sitting down for the second time with all the leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN),
the first meeting on US soil, President Obama today said that the United States has an “enormous stake” in the
people and the future of Asia.
“The region is home to some of our largest trading partners, and buys many of our exports, supporting millions
of American jobs,” President Obama said at a luncheon at the Waldorf hotel in New York today, “we need partnerships
with Asian nations to meet the challenges of our growing economy, preventing proliferation and addressing climate
change.”
The president announced that he has accepted ASEAN’s invitation to join the East Asia Summit in Jakarta next year.
He added that he has tried to make clear the US intends to play a leadership role in Asia.
“Through APEC and initiatives like the Trans-Pacific Partnership, we’re pursuing trade relationships that benefit
all our countries. And we will continue to support ASEAN’s goal of creating a more effective and integrated community
by 2015, which would advance regional peace and stability. “
The ten countries of ASEAN – all represented at the luncheon today are: Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Vietnam, Philippines,
Malaysia, Burma, Singapore, and Thailand.
The president has plans to travel to Indonesia additionally this November.
U.S. President Barack Obama says he will travel to Indonesia in November, fulfilling a twice-postponed promise
to visit the country where he once lived as a boy.
In an address to the U.N. General Assembly on Thursday, Mr. Obama said he would travel to Indonesia following a
previously scheduled visit to India. During the same trip, he will attend a Group of 20 summit in South Korea and
the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in Japan.
Mr. Obama has long planned to visit the world's most populous Muslim-majority nation, scheduling the visit for
March and then June of this year. The trip was postponed once because of pressing health-care legislation and then
because of the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico.
Indonesia has not complained publicly about the postponements. However President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has announced
he will not come to New York for a meeting Friday between Mr. Obama and Southeast Asian leaders. He says he had
previous commitments.
President Obama delivered his second speech at the United Nations Thursday morning, giving a full-throated defense
of his first 20 months in office and a sober assessment of the challenges that lie ahead.
He pled for the world to aggressively support the U.S.-led direct peace negotiations between the Israeli government
and the Palestinian Authority. Specifically, he called on Arab nations to demonstrate their support through changes
in policy that could help repair relations between Israel and its neighbors.
"Many in this hall count themselves as friends of the Palestinians. But these pledges must now be supported
by deeds," Obama said. "Those who have signed on to the Arab Peace Initiative should seize this opportunity
to make it real by taking tangible steps toward the normalization that it promises Israel. Those who speak out
for Palestinian self-government should help the Palestinian Authority politically and financially, and - in so
doing - help the Palestinians build the institutions of their state. And those who long to see an independent Palestine
rise must stop trying to tear Israel down."
Obama also announced that he will add Indonesia, a country to which he has twice cancelled
visits, to his Asia trip this November, which will also include stops in India, South Korea, and Japan. Obama meets
with leaders from all 10 ASEAN member countries Friday.
Here are some key excerpts:
On the U.S. economy:
I have had no greater focus as President than rescuing our economy from potential catastrophe. And in an
age when prosperity is shared, we could not do this alone. So America has joined with nations around the world
to spur growth, and the renewed demand that could restart job creation. We are reforming our system of global finance,
beginning with Wall Street reform at home, so that a crisis like this never happens again. And we made the G-20
the focal point for international coordination, because in a world where prosperity is more diffuse, we must broaden
our circle of cooperation to include emerging economies.
There is much to show for our efforts, even as there is much more work to be done. The global economy has been
pulled back from the brink of a depression, and is growing once more. We have resisted protectionism, and are exploring
ways to expand trade and commerce among nations. But we cannot - and will not - rest until these seeds of progress
grow into a broader prosperity, for all Americans, and for people around the globe.
On the war against Islamic extremists:
While drawing down in Iraq, we have refocused on defeating al Qaeda and denying its affiliates a safe-haven. In
Afghanistan, the United States and our allies are pursuing a strategy to break the Taliban's momentum and build
the capacity of Afghanistan's government and Security Forces, so that a transition to Afghan responsibility can
begin next July. And from South Asia to the Horn of Africa, we are moving toward a more targeted approach- one
that strengthens our partners, and dismantles terrorist networks without deploying large American armies.
On Iran:
As part of our efforts on non-proliferation, I offered the Islamic Republic of Iran an extended hand last year,
and underscored that it has both rights and responsibilities as a member of the international community. I also
said - in this hall - that Iran must be held accountable if it failed to meet those responsibilities. That is what
we have done. Iran is the only party to the NPT that cannot demonstrate the peaceful intentions of its nuclear
program, and those actions have consequences. Through UN Security Council Resolution 1929, we made it clear that
international law is not an empty promise.
Now let me be clear once more: the United States and the international community seek a resolution to our differences
with Iran, and the door remains open to diplomacy should Iran choose to walk through it. But the Iranian government
must demonstrate a clear and credible commitment, and confirm to the world the peaceful intent of its nuclear program.
On the Middle East peace process:
Now, many are pessimistic about this process. The cynics say that Israelis and Palestinians are too distrustful
of each other, and too divided internally, to forge lasting peace. Rejectionists on both sides will try to disrupt
the process, with bitter words and with bombs. Some say that the gaps between the parties are too big; the potential
for talks to break down is too great; and that after decades of failure, peace is simply not possible.
But consider the alternative. If an agreement is not reached, Palestinians will never know the pride and dignity
that comes with their own state. Israelis will never know the certainty and security that comes with sovereign
and stable neighbors who are committed to co-existence. The hard realities of demography will take hold. More blood
will be shed. This Holy Land will remain a symbol of our differences, instead of our common humanity.
I refuse to accept that future. We all have a choice to make. And each of us must choose the path of peace. That
responsibility begins with the parties themselves, who must answer the call of history.
On human rights and democracy:
In times of economic unease, there can also be an anxiety about human rights. Today, as in past times of
economic downturn, some put human rights aside for the promise of short term stability, or the false notion that
economic growth can come at the expense of freedom. We see leaders abolishing term limits, crackdowns on civil
society, and corruption smothering entrepreneurship and good governance. We see democratic reforms deferred indefinitely.
As I said last year, each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its people. Yet experience shows
us that history is on the side of liberty - that the strongest foundation for human progress lies in open economies,
open societies, and open governments. To put it simply: democracy, more than any other form of government, delivers
for our citizens. And that truth will only grow stronger in a world where the borders between nations are blurred.
It's time for every member state to open its elections to international monitors, and to increase the UN Democracy
Fund. It's time to reinvigorate UN peacekeeping, so that missions have the resources necessary to succeed, and
so atrocities like sexual violence are prevented and justice is enforced - because neither dignity nor democracy
can thrive without basic security. And it's time to make this institution more accountable as well, because the
challenges of a new century demand new ways of serving our common interests.
The world that America seeks is not one that we can build on our own. For human rights to reach those who suffer
the boot of oppression, we need your voices to speak out. In particular, I appeal to those nations who emerged
from tyranny and inspired the world in the second half of the last century - from South Africa to South Asia; from
Eastern Europe to South America. Do not stand idly by when dissidents everywhere are imprisoned and protesters
are beaten. Because part of the price of our own freedom is standing up for the freedom of others.
PRIME Minister Julia Gillard has dismissed suggestions that US President Barack Obama's decision not to visit Australia
as part of a trip to Indonesia later this year is a snub.
President Obama has cancelled two trips to Indonesia and Australia this year, first to concentrate on passing his
healthcare reform bill, and then to deal with the Gulf of Mexico oil spill.
He has announced he will visit Indonesia in November, but that Australia will not be on his itinerary.
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''President Obama's travel plans are a matter for the President. Of course President Obama would be welcome in
Australia at any time,'' a spokesman for Ms Gillard said.
Mr Obama said in a speech to the United Nations this week that he would embark on a tour of Asia, beginning with
India.
''I'll continue to Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim-majority country, which binds together thousands of islands
through the glue of representative government and civil society. I'll join the G20 meeting on the Korean Peninsula
… I will conclude my trip in Japan.''
By FOSTER KLUG
The Associated Press
Friday, September 24, 2010
NEW YORK -- U.S. President Barack Obama and Southeast Asian leaders sent China a firm message Friday over territorial
disputes between Beijing and its neighbors, calling for freedom of navigation in seas that China claims as its
own.
Obama pledged to take a strong role in regional affairs, something welcomed by leaders in the fast-growing region.
The meeting between Obama and the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations comes as China, the other superpower
in the region, and its neighbors bicker over territorial claims in surrounding seas.
According to a readout of the meeting provided by the White House, the leaders "agreed on the importance of
peaceful resolution of disputes, freedom of navigation, regional stability and respect for international law, including
in the South China Sea."
China also has differences with Japan in the East China Sea, although tensions between the neighbors were eased
after Japan released a Chinese fishing boat captain involved in a collision near disputed islands. Japanese Prime
Minister Naoto Kan called Friday for calm in ties between the countries.
Southeast Asian leaders have welcomed Washington's presence in the region.
Vietnamese President Nguyen Minh Triet said ahead of the leaders' meeting that U.S.-ASEAN ties are crucial "to
the security, peace and development in the region."
Obama spoke of strengthening ties and of "unprecedented cooperation between ASEAN and the United States."
"As a Pacific nation, the United States has an enormous stake in the people and the future of Asia,"
Obama said. "We need partnerships with Asian nations to meet the challenges of growing our economy, preventing
proliferation and addressing climate change."
"The United States intends to play a leadership role in Asia," Obama said.
That could cause friction with China, the region's traditional heavyweight.
Beijing was furious after U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton told a regional security forum in Vietnam in
July that the peaceful resolution of disputes over the Spratly and Paracel island groups was an American national
interest. Beijing said Washington was interfering in an Asian regional issue.
The United States worries the disputes could hurt access to one of the world's busiest commercial sea lanes
China claims all the South China Sea, but Vietnam, Taiwan, Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines have also laid
territorial claims. Aside from rich fishing areas, the region is believed to have huge oil and natural gas deposits.
The contested islands straddle busy sea lanes that are a crucial conduit for oil and other resources fueling China's
fast-expanding economy.
On Thursday, the president of the Philippines, Benigno Aquino III, welcomed a strong U.S. role in the region. He
said ASEAN would be unified should China use its weight as regional superpower in territorial disputes.
In a reference to China, Aquino said: "Hopefully we don't hear the phrase 'South China Sea' with reference
to it being their sea."
Obama also spoke Friday of growing U.S.-ASEAN trade.
"The region is home to some of our largest trading partners and buys many of our exports, supporting millions
of American jobs," Obama said. "American exports to ASEAN countries are growing twice as fast as they
are to other regions, so Southeast Asia will be important to reaching my goal of doubling American exports."
Photo: ASSOCIATED PRESS
President Barack Obama walks past ASEAN leaders, from left, Philippines President Benigno Aquino III,
Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak, Myanmar Foreign Minister Nyan Win,
as he arrives for a group photo and luncheon in New York, Friday, Sept. 24, 2010.
President Barack Obama and leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have met in New York
on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly session. The U.S. and ASEAN committed to strengthening relations,
and underscored the growing strategic importance of the relationship.
A White House readout of what was only the second U.S.-ASEAN summit - the first was in Singapore last year - focused
on economic as well as global and regional issues, including non-proliferation, counter-terrorism efforts and climate
change.
The statement said the prosperity of the U.S. and ASEAN are "increasingly intertwined", noting that ASEAN
economies together comprise the fourth largest export market for the U.S., with $146 billion in total two-way trade
in 2009.
ASEAN leaders briefed Mr. Obama on the planned ASEAN Economic Community, to establish a single market and production
base by 2015. President Obama, the statement said, pledged additional help in support of this goal.
The president said the U.S. as a Pacific nation has an enormous stake in the ASEAN region. "We need partnerships
with Asian nations to meet the challenges of our growing economy, preventing proliferation and addressing climate
change. As president I have therefore made it clear that the U.S. intends to play a leadership role in Asia. So
we have strengthened old alliances, we have deepened new partnerships, as we are doing with China, and we have
re-engaged with regional organizations, including ASEAN," he said.
Mr. Obama said he has accepted the ASEAN invitation to attend the East Asia Summit, scheduled for Jakarta next
year. That would be Mr. Obama's second visit to Indonesia as president, after one scheduled for November on his
way to a G-20 Summit in South Korea and the APEC Summit in Japan.
Vietnam's President, Nguyen Minh Triet, spoke through an interpreter as the current chairman of ASEAN. "Vietnam
and ASEAN always support the deepening of the relations between ASEAN and the U.S., bilaterally and multilaterally
and we want to take our relations to the next level toward greater comprhensiveness and more substance for the
peace, stability and development or our region," he said.
Though not mentioned in the brief public speeches, North Korea, and Burma figured prominently in Friday's talks.
The White House said Mr. Obama renewed his call on Burma's military government to embark on a process of national
reconciliation by releasing all political prisoners, including democracy figure Aung San Suu Kyi, and holding free
and fair elections in November.
In a separate joint statement, ASEAN leaders reiterated a call for the elections in Burma to be conducted in a
free, fair, inclusive and transparent manner in order to be credible for the international community.
They also welcomed what they called the continued U.S. engagement with Burma's military government, saying they
hope this will encourage Burma to undertake political and economic reforms to facilitate national reconciliation.
On North Korea, the U.S. and ASEAN reaffirm the importance of implementing U.N. Security Council resolutions. They
call on Pyongyang to implement Six Party Talks commitments to abandon all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear
programs and return, at an early date, to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, and International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) safeguards.
The joint statement said Obama and ASEAN leaders also agreed on the importance of peaceful resolution of disputes
in the region, freedom of navigation,stability, and respect for international law, including the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and other international maritime law. The White House summary said this
included the South China Sea.
The White House noted on Friday that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will take part in an initial East Asia
Summit meeting in Hanoi at the end of October, while Defense Secretary Robert Gates will attend a meeting of Asia-Pacific
defense ministers in Hanoi, also next month.
As the US and ASEAN forge closer ties based on growing mutual strategic interests, the meeting of their leaders
in New York last week indicated that they are likely to proceed as partners rather than becoming allies.
Political and security issues, which usually underpin alliances between nations, are part of this evolving relationship,
but they take a backseat to economic and soft power issues, suggesting that a partnership is in the making rather
than an alliance, similar to those the US has forged with Japan and South Korea.
The rise of China as a major global power dictates that the US and ASEAN have mutual strategic interests in deepening
and intensifying their relationship. The two sides however do not necessarily see eye-to-eye on how to deal with
the potential threat of China, and this somehow defines the nature of their relationship.
The New York summit avoided making any direct references to disputes that China has had with some ASEAN member
countries because of overlapping territorial claims in the South China Sea. An earlier draft of the communique,
leaked to and reported by The Associated Press, had the leaders opposing the use of force in disputed waters.
This reference was struck by the time the statement reached US President Barack Obama and his ASEAN guests. The
final statement that came out of the Friday summit made a mild call for the preservation of security in international
sea lanes and for peaceful resolutions of any conflicts.
“We took care of that at the senior officials meeting,” one ASEAN diplomat said with regard to the absence of a
mention of the South China Sea disputes in the statement.
This is a significant shift from the position that US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton took during a meeting
with her ASEAN counterparts in Hanoi in July, when she virtually waded the US into the South China Sea disputes,
and staked US interests in the region by offering Washington’s mediation assistance. Beijing responded by telling
the US to stay away from the issue.
A joint statement critical of China would have given the impression that leaders meeting in New York were ganging
up on Beijing, in which case the US-ASEAN relationship would be headed towards an alliance. Instead, the statement
focused on soft power issues as the chief means of building ties.
Following the suggestion of Vice President Boediono, who represented Indonesia in New York, the leaders agreed
to focus on a short list of priorities for the US and ASEAN to work on. The three areas chosen were education,
trade and forestry.
More than anything else, the two-hour luncheon meeting was symbolic of the US commitment to engage ASEAN countries
even more. Obama took the initiative to call for the meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly after
attending the first ever ASEAN-US summit in Singapore in November 2009.
The summit “institutionalizes American engagement in ASEAN on equal footing with other major partners such as China,
India and others,” wrote Ernie Bower, the Southeast Asian specialist in the Washington-based Center for Strategic
and International Studies.
Indonesia, which will chair ASEAN in 2011, is almost certain to continue this tradition and hold the third summit.
Besides the direct benefits from the economic relations that the United States gains from its ties with Southeast
Asian countries, ASEAN is also helping Washington gain admission to the East Asia Summit (EAS), currently an annual
event involving leaders from the 10 ASEAN countries and China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand.
The EAS, which is becoming the chosen mechanism to prepare for the emergence of an Asia-Pacific community, is largely
driven by ASEAN, which decides who participates and who does not. At this year’s meeting, the summit will likely
decide on admitting the United States along with Russia. Clinton will return to Hanoi next month and Obama has
already committed to making his debut at the EAS, to be held in Jakarta, in 2011.
ASEAN welcomes the increasing engagement of the United States in Southeast Asia and in the larger East Asian region,
but it wants to make sure that Washington plays by the same rules as others. Clinton signed the Instrument of Accession
to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in July, which binds the US to the promotion of peace and stability as a
precondition to joining the EAS.
ASEAN may not be a US ally in the way Japan and Korea are, but it is surely becoming an indispensable partner for
strategic US interests in Asia.
An alliance with the US would invoke memories of the Southeast Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO), set up in
1955 to align the US, other Western powers, Thailand and the Philippines to counter communist influence in the
region, which was then split by ideological differences.
The differences between partners and allies may not be mere semantics, for one suggests warmth and the other, more
business-like relationships. When allies meet, presumably they drink beer. When partners meet, they drink coffee.
ASEAN and the US should stick to coffee. Next time their leaders meet, they can always retreat to Starbucks.
By Ernie Z. Bower, Senior Adviser & Director, CSIS Southeast Asia Program
SUMMARY
US President Barack Obama will host eight of the ten leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN)[i] in New York on Friday, September 24, 2010 at the 2nd US ASEAN Summit. The meeting underlines renewed
American policy energy being invested in Southeast Asia. Headlines from the discussion should focus on three areas:
1. Security alignment including a restatement of a common position on the South China Sea;
2. Economic growth and trade – particularly ASEAN’s leaders seeking an update from the President on the health
of the US economy and a read on whether the mid-term US Congressional elections might be an inflection point after
which the US can return to a proactive posture on trade; and
3. Burma – specifically exploring a way forward on how the US and ASEAN can encourage Burma’s leaders to introduce
political space in the November elections or beyond.
The fact the meeting is taking place in September in the United States is important in that it institutionalizes
renewed US engagement in ASEAN ahead of key steps forward in the creating of regional security and trade architecture
in Asia.
On the other hand, the fact that the Summit is taking place in New York not Washington and without the leader of
ASEAN’s largest country and economy, Indonesia, underlines the fact that while policy intent is clearly substantive
engagement, there is still much work to be done to align the US and ASEAN.
Despite the best intentions of the principles, the meeting will certainly be viewed through the prism of perceived
increased tension between China and its Asian neighbors particularly related to disputed maritime territories.
Here are some Critical Questions about the Summit and what we can expect.
Q 1 > Who, where & when – who is meeting and what is the agenda?
A 1 > President Obama will host the Summit over lunch at a famous hotel in Manhattan in New York City from 12
noon to 2:30 PM on Friday, September 24, 2010. Eight of the ten ASEAN leaders are confirmed to join him except
for President Susilio Bambang Yudhoyono of Indonesia and Prime Minister Thein Sein of Burma. ASEAN Secretary General
Dr. Surin Pitsuwan will also join the meeting. The only surprise is Yudhoyono’s absence and that is significant
(see below). The Burmese were not expected to send their head of state due to poor relations with the United States
and the sanctions regime currently in place. President Yudhoyono will be represented by Indonesia’s Vice President
Boediono and Prime Minister Thein Sein will be represented by Burma’s Foreign Minister U Nyan Win. The leaders
will be accompanied in most cases by their ministers of foreign affairs, ambassadors to the United States and or
the United Nations, and other senior officials.
Q2 > Why isn’t President Yudhoyono attending and what are the implications of his absence?
A2 > President Yudhuyono notified the White House that he could not accept President Obama’s invitation to come
to New York due to domestic issues that need to be attended in Jakarta. Insiders confirm that Yudhoyono decided
he could not come to New York due to a confluence of issues including the fact that President Obama has had to
postpone planned travel to Indonesia three times since taking office and the short notice given by the White House
(not quite a month in advance of the meeting). Had the Summit been scheduled in Washington, DC – America’s capital
– and in early October so Yudhoyono and the other ASEAN leaders might have been able to come on either side of
their long planned visit to Brussels for the Asia Europe Summit, the Indonesian leader would probably have come.
Yudhoyono’s absence sends a strong signal that although the US ASEAN relationship is moving in the right direction,
there is work still to be done to improve alignment. Indonesia is ASEAN’s largest country and has the largest economy,
both more than twice as large as the next member. It is also ASEAN’s incoming Chairman for 2011. It is likely that
the US and ASEAN will get back on track next year when Indonesia hosts the 3rd US ASEAN Summit, and after President
Obama finally is able to make his long-awaited visit to Indonesia. There are quiet plans for him to visit Jakarta
during his Asia trip after US mid-term elections in November. That trip would include India, Indonesia, Korea for
the G-20 Summit and Japan for the APEC Leaders Summit. In sum, Yudhoyono’s absence doesn’t fully diminish the importance
of the meeting in New York on Friday, but it lays down the marker that the US ASEAN relationship is trending well,
but remains a work in progress. I explore the gap between the US policy intentions toward ASEAN and the realities
of domestic politics revealed by Yudhoyono’s absence in the US on the CSIS Asia policy blog at http://cogitasia.com/2010/09/08/us-asean-summit-in-new-york-gut-check-time/
Q3> What is the on the security agenda and will the South China Sea be a focus?
A3 > The United States and ASEAN are working with other countries including Australia, China, India, Japan,
Korea, New Zealand and Russia to create new regional security architecture in Asia. To this end, the US and Russia
will be invited to join the East Asia Summit (EAS) this October during the EAS meeting in Hanoi. Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton will represent the United States at this meeting and accept the invitation. The US will then ideally
be represented by President Obama at the next EAS hosted by Indonesia in 2011 (it is likely that the US ASEAN Summit
will be held in proximity). As part of its calculus in deciding to join the EAS, the US recognized that it must
strengthen its security and political ties with ASEAN and invest in supporting ASEAN’s self defined goals to firm
its foundation through the economic, political and socio-economic integration as outlined in the ASEAN Charter.
To this end, the US has been moving to normalize military ties with Indonesia and enhancing military relations
with Vietnam as well as committing to join the ASEAN Defense Minister Meeting + 8 (which includes the same countries
listed above who are/will be members of the EAS).
In this context, one of the existential challenges for Asia is to create structures and use diplomacy to encourage
China’s peaceful rise as a major world power. The South China Sea represents a major challenge in this process.
China has been very effective in its “charm offensive” begun during the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990’s
– writing a script of an engaged and committed neighbor promising economic dynamism through expanded trade and
investment and regional economic integration. However, China’s geopolitical interests are the other side of that
coin. China’s definition of its “indisputable sovereignty” over the South China Sea in response to Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton’s reiteration of long-standing US goals for maritime dispute resolution and freedom of navigation
in the area based on international law and a multilateral approach has uncovered atavistic anxieties about China’s
intentions among the Southeast Asian countries. Therefore, ASEAN has welcomed a strong US voice on security concerns
in the South China Sea and this has come at a time, ahead of a the Chinese political cycle which will identify
the country’s next generation of leaders in 2012, of heightened nationalism in China.
Nether the US nor ASEAN want to provoke Chinese nationalists, but both recognize the importance of being firm and
sustaining a commitment to a multilateral approach to dispute resolution. Therefore, it is likely that the Summit
in New York will result in a Joint Statement that addresses the issue by reiterating the intent and direction of
Secretary Clinton’s remarks at the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in Hanoi with a tone of provocation or focus on China.
Q 4 > How about economic growth and trade?
A 4 > ASEAN is concerned about thehealth and direction of the US economy and hopes President Obama can assure
them that the recovery is underway and that he will be able to move the US toward a more proactive posture on trade
after the US mid-term elections in November. These issues are fundamentally important to ASEAN because the US is
its largest overseas market (particularly when you factor in the fact that many ASEAN exports go through China
as part of a supply chain that ends up with products delivered to the United States) and the US remains one of
the top and qualitatively most valuable sources of investment and technology for the region. ASEAN is collectively
the most trade dependent formal grouping of nations in the world with trade accounting for nearly 100 percent of
aggregate gross domestic product. So if trade stagnates, ASEAN is the global canary in the coal mine and its suffers
first and most significantly.
ASEAN will be watching the US Korea Free Trade Agreement closely as the benchmark indicator for whether President
Obama will use the political chits necessary to kick start trade and make the case to Americans that long term
recovery is dependent on US engagement in ASEAN, Asia and the world. ASEAN is America’s fourth largest overseas
market and one that promises high level growth for the coming years. ASEAN wants to know if the mid-term elections
will be an inflection point for the US stance on global trade. Read more on the disconnect between policy and politics
on trade with ASEAN in cogitASIA here http://cogitasia.com/2010/09/20/making-the-case-to-americans-asean-jobs/.
Q 5 > What about Burma?
A5 > With Burmese elections coming up on November 7, Burma is sure to be high on the agenda – at least for the
Americans. While ASEAN would prefer not to have to carry the weight of Burma’s cloistered and intransigent military
junta, it recognizes that having made the commitment to bring Burma into its membership it must work with the US
and others to try to encourage the creation of political space there. The Obama Administration deserves credit
for its courage and foresight in espousing an engagement strategy toward Burma that allowed it to reengage with
ASEAN and hold meetings such as this Summit. While the engagement has not produced results in Burma, the US has
changed its paradigm with ASEAN. The Administration can and likely will tighten sanctions on Burma by focusing
on its leaders, their families and companies they are associated with – measure outlined in the Lantos Act. ASEAN
needs to do its part and increase its normative focus on Burma to pressure the regime to create more political
openness to it can truly engage in the core elements of integration defined in the ASEAN Charter. If ASEAN begins
to focus on Burma, pressure may increase on China and India to refocus current mercantilist and military policies
that enable the hard-line domestic political stance of the junta and play a role as responsible stakeholders in
encouraging positive change in the country.
Q 6 > What next?
A6 > ASEAN hopes President Obama will announce his candidate to the first US Ambassador to ASEAN to be resident
in Jakarta? A candidate’s name is reportedly pending review and due diligence though it is not likely that name
can be announced on Friday. Additionally, the US and ASEAN are expecting to name an Eminent Person Group (EPG)
to provide guidance and leadership for the relationship. These names have also not been announced yet.
After the New York Summit, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will be in visiting Hanoi for the EAS and in October
and Secretary of Defense Gates will visit Vietnam for the ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting + 8 (ADMM + 8). President
Obama is planning to visit Indonesia in November as mentioned above.
Regional leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) yesterday began the 16th ASEAN summit
in Hanoi, Vietnam, with the Burma elections expected to feature high on the agenda. Reports emerged today however
confirming fears that ASEAN, which stands stubbornly by its policy of non-interference, refused to press the Burmese
junta on the topic of controversial election laws.
Thus it would appear that pressure from Burma’s immediate neighbours, the most important external actors in Burmese
politics, will fall short of what is needed to ensure democratic transition in the military-ruled country.
Jakarta. Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is unlikely to attend a summit of Southeast Asian leaders
called by US President Barack Obama this month in New York, a spokesman said on Wednesday.
The failure of the leader of the region’s biggest economy and the world’s most populous Muslim-majority country
to attend the summit will be a blow to Obama’s efforts to reach out to the strategically important region.
Officials blamed the short notice given for the summit, which was announced on Sept. 3, and Yudhoyono’s prior engagements.
“The US-ASEAN summit invitation was given in short notice. The president’s agenda at that time was fixed earlier
this year,” spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said.
The White House has said Obama will hold talks with leaders of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations
in New York on September 24, at the time of the annual United Nations General Assembly.
The summit is Obama’s latest attempt to reinvigorate US policy towards the rapidly developing region, where US
primacy is seen by some as waning in the face of China’s growing economic and military might.
Domestic affairs have forced Obama, who went to school in Indonesia as a child, to cancel two visits to Jakarta
in the past 12 months.
The democratic, nominally secular archipelago is a key founding member of ASEAN, which includes members as diverse
as regional financial hub Singapore, Buddhist Thailand, communist Vietnam and military-ruled Myanmar.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono will likely skip the US-ASEAN summit to be held on the sidelines of the UN meeting
in New York on Sept. 24, the Foreign Ministry says.
Ministry spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said the President had already made “earlier commitments” and did not plan to
attend the UN General Assembly meeting in New York from Sept. 20-28. “Vice President [Boediono] will most likely
be in attendance,” he told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
Faizasyah was quick to dismiss speculation the President may have decided not to visit the US after US President
Barack Obama called off his planned visits to Indonesia — where he spent part of his childhood — this year.
Obama was initially scheduled to fly to Jakarta in March, but postponed until June 14 as he had to focus on healthcare
legislation reform at home.
Early in June, Washington announced that Obama was again forced to cancel his trip to Indonesia and Australia at
a time when he was trying to cope with the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico.
The President “has items on the national agenda that could not be set aside,” Faizasyah said, adding that the invitation
to the summit was given at short notice. “The US government seems to assume all ASEAN leaders will attend the UN
meeting.”
The US under Obama has been making efforts to flex its muscle in Southeast Asia after years of neglect under the
leadership of his predecessor. Observers say the situation has paved the way for China to launch its charm offensive
in the area and further sidelined the last remaining superpower in the increasingly strategic region.
The first US-ASEAN summit was held on the sidelines of the APEC meeting last November, a few months after Washington
signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation with ASEAN.
As Indonesia is the largest member of ASEAN and plays a crucial leadership role within the regional grouping, the
absence of Yudhoyono at the summit will certainly be noted, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) researcher
Dewi Fortuna Anwar said, but added that the Indonesian leader’s absence at the New York summit would not affect
US efforts to court ASEAN.
She said it was possible the President was too busy at home to attend the summit, but added that it was also only
natural for Yudhoyono to skip a trip to the US as he had previously visited the country for the G20 meeting in
September 2009.
“The principle of reciprocity usually applies in state visits. Yudho-yono visited the US under Obama. I think that’s
a good reason
to instead wait for Obama to come here,” she said.
By Ernest Z. Bower, Senior Adviser and Director, CSIS Southeast Asia Program
The 2nd US ASEAN Summit in New York on September 24 is an important meeting but there are questions regarding who
will attend. President Susilio Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) of Indonesia, the incoming chair of ASEAN, hasn’t confirmed
his attendance yet. Vietnam is still considering whether President Nguyen Minh Triet, who as head of government
traditionally represents his country at the United Nations or Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung will attend. Press
reports from Bangkok have misreported that Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva is uncertain about attending – we understand
he is confirmed, as are all the remaining heads of government from ASEAN except the Burmese who have opted to send
their Foreign Minister — no surprise given the threat enhanced sanctions on Burmese leaders and the UN moving toward
a Commission of Inquiry (COI) for crimes against humanity.
The real issue is SBY’s decision. He has the power to send a strong signal to his fellow ASEAN leaders, the United
States and all of Asia. Should he decide to pass up President Barack Obama’s invitation to join the Summit in New
York, there will be serious questions about where US-ASEAN relations are heading. The trajectory coming into New
York looks very positive, building on a strong foundation and strengthening links between the US and ASEAN head
of key meetings this Fall including the East Asia Summit and the ASEAN Defense Minister Meeting + 8 (ADMM) in Vietnam,
the G-20 Summit in Seoul and the APEC Summit in Yokohama. Substantively, US ASEAN ties are sound and would remain
so even if SBY doesn’t attend, but the signal of not attending has the potential to do real damage over time.
A strong US ASEAN foundation is vital as the region steps into new regional security and trade architecture. The
table is set, and it is very important for Indonesia to demonstrate leadership. Every effort should be made to
ensure SBY makes the trip to New York, including direct intervention by other leaders, especially President Obama.
A call to Jakarta would be helpful. The truth is that a personal touch is due. President Obama has had every intention
to visit Indonesia, but has been frustrated by schedule and domestic politics three times. Additionally, it is
true that the White House was not able to make a decision on date and venue for the Summit until recently, giving
ASEAN leaders short notice for such a major trip. The ASEAN heads of government had already scheduled a visit to
Europe in early October for the Asia Europe Summit (ASEM), so the invitation requires an additional overseas trip
to kick off an already packed second half of 2010. ASEAN may be disappointed too, that the Summit is being held
in New York instead of Washington, D.C.
Still, the opportunity to institutionalize the US ASEAN Summit and hold the meeting on American soil within a year
of the inaugural summit make the trip worth the effort. There are real issues to discuss including headliners such
as security and trade, and getting alignment on these and other issues. Relationships take commitment and energy
on both sides. Exploring the implications of holding a Summit without SBY or postponing the Summit should be a
sobering proposition to all the leaders involved. Here’s to everyone doing what is needed to make the meeting work.
It is gut check time for the US ASEAN relationship as we approach September 24 in New York.
Obama meets SEA leaders
Nov 15, 2009
SINGAPORE - US PRESIDENT Barack Obama on Sunday held an unprecedented group summit with Southeast Asian leaders,
including the prime minister of Myanmar.
Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong told Mr Obama and his colleagues from the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations that he wanted 'to welcome all of you to the first Asean-US leaders' meeting'.
Before opening the talks in a hotel ballroom, Mr Obama and all 10 Asean leaders stood in a line on a stage, crossing
their arms to join hands with the leader on either side.
Mr Obama was flanked by Mr Lee to his left and Philippine President Gloria Arroyo on his right.
Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein was three places to the US president's right, and sat four seats away from Mr
Obama as the leaders assembled at a round table. -- AFP
Hillary Clinton
Phuket, Thailand - 22 July 2009
"Complete and irreversible denuclearisation is the only viable path for North Korea. We do not intend
to reward North Korea just for returning to the table," she said. "Nor do we intend to reward them for actions they have already committed to taking and then reneged on.
The path is open to them."
----
"The United States is back in South East Asia. President Obama and I believe that this region is vital
to global progress, peace and prosperity and we are fully engaged with our ASEAN partners on the wide range of
challenges confronting us,"
By South East Asia correspondent Karen Percy
Thu Jul 23, 2009
In a sign that the United States wants to play a greater strategic and security role in Asia, US Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton
has signed the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation.
Before she had even signed it, Ms Clinton was already taking the lead on security in Asia.
There were the usual ultimatums for North Korea over its nuclear program and its intransigence.
She also upped the ante on Burma, telling Thai reporters that the Association of South East Asian (ASEAN) nations
might think about expelling the country for its human rights violations.
If ever there was a doubt about American intentions in the region right now, Ms Clinton put them to rest.
"The United States is back in South East Asia. President Obama and I believe that this region is vital
to global progress, peace and prosperity and we are fully engaged with our ASEAN partners on the wide range of
challenges confronting us," she said.
The Obama administration is taking a very different approach compared to that of George W Bush.
The US now clearly keen to be a part of a region of more than half a billion people that is growing rapidly; signing
the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation is an important first step.
"This treaty seals our commitment to work in partnership with the nations of ASEAN, to advance the interests
and values we share," she said.
Asia Pacific community
The renewed American enthusiasm for South-East Asia has many here wondering about the future of Kevin Rudd's plans
for an
Asia Pacific community, a security forum that would include the United States as well as local leaders.
The idea still has legs according to Foreign Minister Stephen Smith.
"I was very pleased, very pleased with the warm and positive indications from members of the East Asia Summit
to thoughtfully consider Australia's initiative for an Asia Pacific community into the year 2020," he said.
Today Mr Smith and Ms Clinton will take part in the ASEAN regional forum, a meeting where 27 country representatives
will
discuss how security issues here can be tackled together when it comes to terrorism and the global financial crisis
for example.
Ms Clinton has revealed that the US will also be pushing hard for action on climate change.
"We will ask for a high level dialogue on climate change within ASEAN so that together we can help the world
confront the threat
of a warming planet and a transition to a clean energy future," she said.
The US seems to have ambitious plans to reconnect with the region, revealing that it will post a special ambassador
to be based
at ASEAN headquarters in Jakarta
Obama will need willing Asian partners as he works to combat nuclear proliferation, reduce the threat of global
warming and invigorate the world economy. But before the trip, the White House downplayed expectations that concrete
agreements
Why Asia?
That Obama is leaving the United States amid a bitter recession underscores Asia's importance. "This is the
fastest-growing economic region in the world," said Ben Rhodes, a deputy national security advisor. Obama
has already visited Europe and Africa; Asia is a region he can't neglect.
Strains are apparent. Over the last decade, perceptions have risen that China is the dominant player in the region
while American influence has ebbed. Even a reliable ally, Japan, has complained about being a kind of junior partner
to the U.S.
In face-to-face meetings with Asian leaders, Obama will try to rebuild old alliances and create new ones.
What does he hope to accomplish?
In a certain sense, White House aides are setting the bar low. They are not promising much in the way of tangible
"deliverables" coming out of the trip. But Obama will seek agreement on a number of economic, environmental
and military matters that are crucial to the United States. He particularly wants the region to pump up consumer
purchases so the U.S. can find a bigger market for its exports.
"The United States does an extraordinary amount of business in this region, and the president is very committed
to being competitive in this region in the 21st century," Rhodes said. Translation: Obama wants to ease the
U.S. recession by selling more products to Asia.
What are the possible pitfalls?
With a new president, there is always the possibility of an unguarded comment that could touch off a diplomatic
crisis. But foreign policy experts say Obama is showing himself to be a disciplined head of state. Whereas George
W. Bush would often freelance on foreign trips -- deviating from the formal agenda -- Obama sticks to the script,
they said.
If Obama faces any real risk, it's the domestic political backlash that could result if American voters feel that
he is spending too much time abroad while job losses mount back home.
What's the key visit?
China, China, China.
Pick an issue that's important to the U.S., and you'll find a China connection.
North Korean and Iranian nukes? Obama needs China to push for nonproliferation.
The recession? If Chinese households spend more, Americans can tap a larger foreign market.
Global warming? China is now the largest producer of carbon dioxide, the main global warming pollutant.
So it's no accident that Obama will spend nearly half the trip in China
Why is Obama attending the APEC meeting?
The U.S. is one of 21 members of the organization called Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. Obama has decided to
spend a day in Singapore to attend the group's conference.
He'll talk about re-balancing the world's economies, creating conditions for what one White House advisor called
"sustainable growth." That means the U.S. wants to increase savings and exports, while Asian counterparts
ratchet up consumption and imports.
Phuket (Thailand), July 22 (DPA) US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton Wednesday signed Southeast Asia’s
main friendship and security treaty in a gesture signalling America’s return to the region.
“The United States is back in southeast Asia,” Clinton told a press conference minutes before signing the Treaty
on Amity and Cooperation in South-East Asia (TAC), a loose code of conduct for the region signed by the original
founding members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1976.
Nearly all of ASEAN’s main dialogue partners, such as Australia, China, India, Japan and South Korea, have already
signed the TAC.
The US, under the previous administration of George W. Bush, refused to accede to the document for fear it would
cramp its unilateral-inclined style of diplomacy in Asia.
“US President (Barack) Obama and I believe this region is vital to global progress, peace and prosperity,” Clinton
said before signing the TAC.
“The treaty seals our commitment to work in participation with ASEAN,” she added.
As further proof of its commitment to Southeast Asia, the US plans to open a permanent mission at the ASEAN Secretariat
in Jakarta, Clinton said.
Perhaps more crucially, the secretary of state promised to persuade Congress to increase USAID funding seven-fold
for climate-change projects in ASEAN, the first sign that Washington is back financially in the region.
Clinton was in Phuket to sign the TAC and to attend the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), Asia’s main security event
that has drawn 27 foreign ministers to the island, on Thursday.
The forum is expected to focus on the region’s two main security threats - North Korea’s nuclear armaments programme
and Myanmar’s political instability.
Clinton Wednesday called for “irreversible denuclearisation” in North Korea as the only “viable path” for it.
She also called on Myanmar to free its political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi and take other steps to assure
a credible general election next year.
Since Indonesian independence, the two countries have maintained mutual diplomatic relations, formalised co-operation
(especially in the fields of fisheries conservation, law enforcement, and justice cooperation), a measure of security
co-operation, broadening treaty relationships, co-membership of regional forums, and co-participation in several
multilateral Treaties of significance.
Recent years have seen a deepening of Australia's aid commitment to Indonesia, and Australia has become a popular
venue for Indonesian students.[8]
In 2008-09, Indonesia is the largest recipient of Australian aid at a value of AUD462 million.[9]
ANALYSIS
Jonathan Marcus BBC Diplomatic Correspondent
The problem is that South Korean economic measures, US condemnation and even possible action at the UN are unlikely
to change the mindset in Pyongyang.
China is the only country with any real leverage over North Korea.
Behind the scenes Beijing is going to be the crucial player if tensions are not to spill out of control.
The weeks ahead are punctuated with opportunities for further tensions - not least a joint US-South Korean anti-submarine
exercise
As our economic power declines, how the U.S. deals with the rise of China's status could determine whether East
Asia's future is one of peace or war.
By Doyle McManus
September 26, 2010
Now that China has become a global economic power, it's beginning to throw its weight around Asia as a military
power as well. That's making China's neighbors — and the United States — nervous. And for good reason.
China and its neighbors disagree over who owns hundreds of islands in East Asia's seas – and, more important, vast
offshore areas around those islands that could yield oil, gas or minerals.
In the South China Sea, parts of whose waters are claimed by many nations, a Chinese-built submersible set a record
last summer by diving more than two miles to survey the seabed and to plant a Chinese flag on the bottom. China
is building a big naval base on Hainan island, and Chinese patrol boats have seized Vietnamese fishing boats and
detained their crews for fishing in disputed waters.
In the East China Sea, China and Japan have clashed over the uninhabited, Japanese-held Senkaku islands (China
calls them the Diaoyu islands) and over each country's naval movements through the Miyako Strait.
in the Yellow Sea to the north, China objected vociferously to planned U.S.-South Korean naval maneuvers, leading
the United States to postpone the operation while insisting that it would occur at a later date.
The whole situation has Washington alarmed. "[China's] military capacity has been growing by and large unabated,"
Adm. Robert F. Willard, commander of U.S. forces in the Pacific, told Congress earlier this year, adding that some
moves "appear designed to challenge our freedom of action in the region."
The Chinese say they're acting to regain sovereignty over islands and waters that they contend were once theirs,
stolen by foreign powers when their country was weak. (Their neighbors dispute those claims.) China wants the United
States, the distant power that has regulated Asia's balance of power since World War II, to butt out.
During a just-completed 10-day trip to China and the Pacific, I heard Chinese officials and scholars denounce the
U.S. military presence in Asia with rhetoric that seemed resurrected from the Cold War.
I heard things like this: "We see the Obama administration forming close relationships with other countries
against China," said Liu Guijin, an advisor to China's Ministry of Foreign Commerce. "I think it will
be destabilizing."
Or this: "Suddenly, the United States is behaving aggressively toward China," complained Fan Gang, a
leading Beijing economist and former government official.
And, in the middle of what increasingly sounds like Cold War-era saber-rattling — or, worse, the military rivalries
of the late 19th century — smaller countries in East Asia are trying to figure out what it means for their future.
Some, like Vietnam and Singapore, have asked the United States to keep a big military force in Asia to counterbalance
Chinese power. "America plays a role in Asia that China cannot replace," Singapore Prime Minister Lee
Hsien Loong told the Wall Street Journal last week.
On Friday, President Obama met with Southeast Asian leaders at the United Nations, and aides said he would reaffirm
the U.S. position opposing the use of force in the South China Sea.
Some China-watchers suggest that Beijing's new aggressiveness in the region is evidence that the Chinese military,
which tends to be hawkish, has gained new influence over foreign policy. "The military has its own interests,"
a Chinese diplomat told me a bit undiplomatically. "The greater the tensions, the bigger budget they get."
For now, China seems to be simply testing its neighbors — and the United States — to see what it can get away with
at a time when the Obama administration has its hands full in Afghanistan. But that may turn out to be a counterproductive
foreign policy. Because of China's truculence, U.S. relations with Japan, Korea and Vietnam have almost never been
better.
There are signs that China is softening its stance, at least for the moment. Premier Wen Jiabao made a point of
telling reporters before his meeting with Obama on Wednesday: "Our common interests far outweigh our differences."
And China has agreed to discuss restarting military-to-military contacts with the United States, which were suspended
after the U.S. announced a $6.4-billion arms sale to Taiwan in January.
Over the long run, though, China's new assertiveness is likely to continue. The underlying causes —growing economic
power, a gnawing need for oil and mineral resources, a history of well-founded grudges against foreign imperialists,
a normal dose of old-fashioned nationalism — are still there.
And when the Chinese look at us (as they do) and see a diminishing economic power and a government that's going
broke, they wonder how long we're going to pay for a big, expensive fleet patrolling off their coast.
The last time a new economic power rose in Asia and acquired great-power military clout, it was the 19th century
and the new power was Japan. That story turned out badly — for Japan, China and everyone else.
Managing the impact of China's rise to great-power status — and with it, the loss of our own near-monopoly over
military power in the Pacific — is one of the great challenges of U.S. statecraft in our time. How the process
turns out could determine whether East Asia's 21st century is marked by peace or war.
This website has been created with intensive use of internet research, linking information as available
on the internet, and various publications and books. I have attempted to give due credit to the sources.
My apologies for the ones I may have missed. I will make corrections as required. Editor
